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A  Documentary  History  of 

American  Industrial 

Society 

Volume  I 


A  Documentary  History  of 

American  Industrial 

Society 

Edited  by  John  R.  Commons 

Ulrich  B.  Phillips,  Eugene  A.  Gilmore 

Helen  L.  Sumner,  and  John  B.  Andrews 

Prepared  under  the  auspices  of  the  American  Bureau  of 

Industrial  Research,  with  the  co-operation  of  the 

Carnegie  Institution  of  Washington 

With  preface  by  Richard  T.  Ely 
and  introdudlion  by  John  B.  Clark 

Volume  I 
Plantation  and  Frontier 


Cleveland,  Ohio 

The  Arthur  H.  Clark  Company 
I  9  I  o 


Copyright,  1909,  by 

THE  ARTHUR  H.  CLARK  CO. 

All  rights  reserved 


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AMERICAN   BUREAU   OF   INDUSTRIAL   RESEARCH 


DIRECTORS  AND  EDITORS 

Richard  T.  Ely,  PH.D.,  LL.D.,  Professor  of  Political  Economy, 
University  of  Wisconsin 

John  R.  Commons,  a.  M.,  Professor  of  Political  Economy, 
University  of  Wisconsin 

John  B.  Clark,  PH.D.,  LL.D.,  Professor  of  Political  Economy, 
Columbia  University 

V.  EVERIT  Macy,  Chairman,  New  York  City 

Albert  Shaw,  PH.D.,  LL.D.,  Editor,  American  Review 
of  Reviews 

UlRICH  B.  Phillips,  PH.D.,  Professor  of  History  and  Political 
Science,  Tulane  University 

Eugene  A.  GiLMORE,  LL.B.,  Professor  of  Law, 
University  of  Wisconsin 

Helen  L.  Sumner,  PH.D.,  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor 

John  B.  Andrews,  PH.D.,  Executive  Secretary, 
American  Association  for  Labor  Legislation 


THE   DOCUMENTARY   HISTORY   OF  AMERICAN 
INDUSTRIAL   SOCIETY   COMPRISES— 

Vol.  I  Plantation  and  Frontier,  Volume  1, 

by  Ulrich  B.  Phillips 

Vol.  II  Plantation  and  Frontier,  Volume  2, 

by  Ulrich  B.  Phillips 

Vol.  Ill        Labor  Conspiracy  Cases,  1806-1842,  Volume  1, 

by  John  R.  Commons  and  Eugene  A.  Gilmore 

Vol.  IV         Labor  Conspiracy  Cases,  1806-1842,  Volume  2, 

by  John  R.  Commons  and  Eugene  A.  Gilmore 

Vol.  V  Labor  Movement,  1820-1840,  Volume  1, 

by  John  R.  Commons  and  Helen  L.  Sumner 

Vol.  VI         Labor  Movement,  1820-1840,  Volume  2, 

by  John  R.  Commons  and  Helen  L.  Sumner 

Vol  VII       Labor  Movement,  1840-1860,  Volume  1, 
by  John  R.  Commons 

Vol.  VIII     Labor  Movement,  1840-1860,  Volume  2, 
by  John  R.  Commons 

Vol.  IX        Labor  Movement,  1860-1880,  Volume  1, 

by  John  R.  Commons  and  John  B.  Andrews 

Vol.  X  Labor  Movement,  1860-1880,  Volume  2, 

by  John  R.  Commons  and  John  B.  Andrews 


^-■ 


CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  I 

General  Preface  by  Richard  T.  Ely.  .  .  .19 

General  Introduction  by  John  Bates  Clark         .  .       33 

Introduction  to  Volumes  I  and  II  by  Ulrich  B.  Phillips     .       69 
Bibliography,  Volumes  I  and  II         .  .  .  .     105 

Plantation  and  Frontier  Documents: 

I     Plantation  Management 

I     Standards  of  managerial  duty         ....     109 

(a)      Instructions  by  Richard  Corbin  to  his  agent ;  Virginia, 

1759 
>  (b)      Instructions  by  J.  W.  Fowler  to  his  overseers;  Mis- 

—  sissippi,  1857 

(c)      Rules  on  P.  C.  Weston's  rice  estate;  South  Carolina, 
1856 
fj  (d)      Contract  between  Charles  Manigault  and  his  over- 

3|  seer;  Georgia,  1853 

'^  (e)      Instructions  by  Alexander  Telfair  to  his  overseer; 

"^  Georgia,  1832 

(f)     Advice  by  a  professional  planter;  Jamaica,  circa  1800 
,  2     The  inconvenience  of  a  rigid  labor  supply     .  .  .     130 

p  Letter  of  Nevi^^ear  Branson  to  Robert  Carter;  Virginia, 

A  1785 

^  3     Soil  wastage,   typical  .  .  .  .  -131 

i--  Extract  from  J.  L.  Williams's  The  Territory  of  Florida 

(1837) 

4  Soil  preservation,  exceptional  .  .  .  .132 

Editorial  from  the  Federal  Union   (Milledgeville,  Ga.), 
April  23,  1850 

5  Breakdown  of  the  plantation  system  in  the  cereal  producing 

area        .......     133 

Advertisement  from  the  Virginia  Gazette  (Williamsburg), 
Oct.  22,  1767 


AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 


Records  of  a  rice  plantation  ....     134 

Extracts  from  the  plantation  records  of  Louis  Manigault; 
Chatham  County,  Georgia,  1 833-1 860 

(a)  General  statement  for  1833- 1839 

(b)  Lists  of  negroes  in  1857 

(c)  Lists  of  negroes  in  i860 

(d)  Operations;  1855-1860 

(e)  Plantation  jottings;  1845 

Accounts  of  expensesj  cropf,  and  sales  on  a  sea-island  cotton 

and  rice  plantation         .  .  .  .  .150 

Extracts  from  the  plantation  record  book  of  A.  Porter,  ex- 
ecutor of  the  Alexander  estate;  Liberty  County,  Ga. 

(a)  Expense  account,  debit  and  credit,  1 829-1 830,  1830 
1831  and  1831-1832 

(b)  Account  of  crops,  proceeds,  and  division  of  profits; 
1829-1830,  1830-1831  and  1831-1832 

(c)  Expense  account;  1747- 1848  and  1848- 1849 

(d)  Account  of  crops,  proceeds,  and  division  of  profit; 
1 847- 1 848  and  1 848- 1 849 

(e)  Expense  account;  1852-1853 

(f)  Account  of  crops,  proceeds,  and  division  of  profit; 
1852-1853 

Management  of  scattered  plantations;  Georgia,  1844- i84g     167 
Letters  of  John  B.  Lamar 

(a)  To  Howell  Cobb;  Jan.  8.  1844 

(b)  To  Howell  Cobb;  March  17,  1844 

(c)  To  Howell  Cobb;  May  15,  1844 

(d)  To  Howell  Cobb;  Feb.  17,  1845 

(e)  To  Howell  Cobb;  Feb.  19,  1845 

(f)  To  Mrs.  Howell  Cobb;  Dec.  2,  1845 

(g)  To  Howell  Cobb;  Apr.  12,  1846 

(h)     To  Mrs.  Howell  Cobb;  Apr.  22,  1846 
(i)     To  Howell  Cobb;  Dec.  29,  1846 
(j)     To  Howell  Cobb;  Jan.  10,  1847 
(k)     To  Howell  Cobb;  May  16,  1847 
(1)     To  Howell  Cobb;  Feb.  7,  1848 
(m)     To  Mrs.  Howell  Cobb;  Nov.  18,  1849 
///  success  in  nonresident  planting;  Alabama,  1S35.  Experi- 
ment    abandoned  .....     183 


CONTENTS   OF   VOLUME   I 


(a)  Letter  of  Daniel  McMIchael  to  Thomas  W.  Glover; 
Lowndes  County,  Ala.,  Sept.  lo,  1837 

(b)  Letter  of  Thomas  W.  Glover  to  Daniel  McMichael; 
Orangeburg,  S.C.,  Sept.  21,  1837 

(c)  Letter  of  Daniel  McMichael  to  Thomas  W.  Glover; 
Lowndes  County,  Ala.,  Oct.  11,  1837 

10     Plantation   by-industries     .  .  .  .  .186 

(a)  Letter  of  Alexander  Spotswood  to  the  British  Council 
of  Trade;  Virginia,  17 10 

(b)  Extract   from   A    Perfect   Description    of    Virginia 
(1649) 

(c)  Extract  from  the  "Diary  of  John  Harrower,  Vir- 
ginia, 1774-1775" 

(d)  Letter  of  George  Washington  to  Thomas  Newton 
Jr.;  Virginia,  Jan.  23,  1773 

(e)  Letter  of  George  Washington  to  Thomas  Newton 
Jr.;  Virginia,  Dec.  14,  1773 

(f)  Extract  from  a  letter  of  Elisha  Cain  to  Alexander 
Telfair;  Georgia,  Sept.  11,  1829 

(g)  Extract  from  a  letter  of  same  to  same;  Nov.  5,  1829 
(h)     Extract  from  a  letter  of  Elisha  Cain  to  Miss  Mary 

Telfair;  Oct.  25,  1833 
(i)     Extract  from  a  letter  of  James  Gunnelly  to  Miss 
Mary  Telfair;  Georgia,  Jan.  11,  1835 

II     Plantation  Routine 

1  "Diary  of  work  on  a  sea-island  cotton  plantation"     .  .     195 

Extract  from  the  plantation  diary  of  Thomas  P.  Ravenel; 
1847-1850 

2  "Routine  of  incidentals  on  a  sea-island  plantation"  .  .     203 

Memoranda  by  C.  C.  Pinckney;  181 8-18 19 

3  Work  on  a  large  tobacco  and  wheat  plantation;  Virginia     208 

Extracts  for  typical  weeks  in  1854;  manager's  journal  of 
Belmead  Plantation 

4  Routine  of  work  on  a  great  sugar  plantation  .  .214 

Extracts  from  the  Plantation  Diary  of  Valcour  Aime;  1827, 
1833,  1837,  1844,  1845,  1852,  and  1853 

5  Cotton   Routine        .  .  .  .  .  .231 

Extracts  from  the  plantation  diary  of  Leven  Covington; 
1829-1830 


lo  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

III     Types  of  Plantation 

1  Virginia   tide   water  .....     245 

(a)  Advertisement  from  the  Virginia  Gazette,  Feb.  5, 
1767 

(b)  Advertisement,  ibid.;  Oct.  6,  1774 

2  Plantation  equipment;  Virginia  Northern  Neck,  IJJI     .     .     247 

Report  of  Thomas  Oliver,  overseer,  to  James  Mercer ;  May, 
1 77 1  (reproduced  in  facsimile) 

3  A  rice  estate  on  the  North  Carolina  coast     .  .  .251 

Advertisement  from  the  Charleston  City  Gazette,  Jan.  I, 
1825 

4  A  sea-island  cotton  estate     .....     252 

Advertisement  from  the  Charleston  City  Gazette,  Jan.  17, 
1825 

5  The  Georgia  uplands  .....     252 

Advertisement  from  the  Augusta  (Ga,)  Chronicle,  July  12, 
1800 

6  A  Red  River  establishment  ....     253 

Advertisement  from  the  Red  River  Republican    (Alexan- 
dria, La.),  Jan.  6,  1849 

7  The  Shenandoah  regime       .....     254 

(a)  Extract  from  the  Diary  of  Lucian  Minor;  1823 

(b)  Advertisement  from  the  Winchester  (Va.)  Gazette ^ 
Jan.  9,  1799 

8  Poor  husbandry  in   East   Tennessee  .  .  .     256 

Extract  from  the  Diary  of  Lucian  Minor;  1823 

9  A   vast  sugar  estate  .....     256 

Extract  from  W.  H.  Russell's  My  Diary  North  and  South 
(1863) 

IV     Staples 

1  Rice  .  .  .  .  .  .  .259 

Extract  from  R.  F.  W.  Allston,  Essay  on  Sea  Coast  Crops 

(1854) 

2  Indigo,  account  of  its  introduction  as  a  staple  in  South  Caro- 

lina        .......     265 

Letter  of  Eliza  Lucas  Pinckney  to  her  son ;  South  Carolina, 

1785 

3  The  introduction  of  sea-island  cotton         .  .  .     266 

Letter  of  Thomas  Spalding;  Georgia,  1828 


CONTENTS   OF   VOLUME   I  ii 

4  Sea-island  cotton,  methods  .  .  .  .271 

(a)  Extract  from  R.  F.  W.  Allston's  Essay  on  Sea  Coast 
Crops  (1854) 

(b)  Extract  from  Whitemarsh  B.  Seabrook's  Memoir  on 
Cotton  (1844) 

5  Upland  cotton  methods       .....     276 

Extract  from  J.  A.  Turner's  The  Cotton  Planters'  Manual 

(1857) 

6  Sugar  methods  in  Jamaica  ....     281 

Extract  from  M.  G.  Lewis's  Journal  of  a  West  India  Pro- 
prietor; 1815 

7  Uncertainty  of  returns  in  tobacco     ....     282 

Letter  of  Benedict  Calvert  to  Lord  Baltimore;  Maryland, 
1729 

8  The  tyranny   of  King  Cotton         ....     283 

(a)  Article  from  the  Georgia  Courier  (Augusta),  Oct. 
II,  1827 

(b)  Editorial  from  the  Georgia  Courier  (Augusta),  June 
21,  1827 

(c)  Report  of  the  Wateree  Agricultural  Society;  South 
Carolina,  1843 

(d)  Editorial  from  the  Federal   Union    (Milledgeville, 
Ga.),  June  13,  1843 

V    Plantation  Supplies  and  Factorage 

1  A  Georgia  planter  buys  negro  clothes  in  London     .  .     293 

Letter  of  James  Habersham  to  William  Knox;  Georgia, 
1764 

2  An  invoice  of  plantation,  household,  and  personal  supplies     296 

Order  of  George  Washington;  Virginia,  1767 

3  Flour,  Codfish,  and  Vegetables  from  the  North     .  .     299 

News  item  from  the  Baton  Rouge  (La.)  Gazette,  Oct.  21, 
1826 

4  Cause  of  the  high  rates  of  planters'  supplies  .  .     299 

Extract  from  the  Diary  of  Edward  Hooker  (South  Caro- 
lina, 1805) 

5  Dearth    of  shops   inconvenient         ....     300 

"Extracts  from  the  Diary  of  Col.  London  Carter"   (Vir- 
ginia, 1770-1774) 

6  Complaint  against  factors,  foreign  and  local  .  .     301 


12  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

(a)  Letter  of  George  Washington  to  Robert  Cary  &  Co.; 
Virginia,  1770 

(b)  Extract  from  letters  of  George  Mason  to  his  son; 
Virginia,  May  22,  1792 

7     An  efficient  factor  and  broker  in  Charleston  .  .     307 

Advertisement   from  the   South   Carolina  State   Gazette, 
Sept.  6,  1784 

VI     Plantation  Vicissitudes 

1  Losses  by  disease  and  accidents  among  the  slaves      .  .     309 

(a)  Extract  from  a  letter  to  Eliza  Lucas  [Pinckney]  ; 
South  Carolina,  1760 

(b)  Letter  of  Jonas  Smith  to  J.  B.  Lamar;  Georgia,Aug. 
25,  1852 

(c)  Same  to  same;  Oct.  5,  1852 

(d)  Same  to  same  Oct.   18,  1852 

(e)  Letter  of  Stancil  Barwick  to  J.  B.  Lamar;  Georgia, 
July  15,  1855 

(f)  Letter  of  Stephen  Newman  to  Miss  Mary  Telfair; 
Georgia,  Feb.  28,  1837 

(g)  Extract  from  a  letter  of  Elisha  Cain  to  Alexander 
Telfair;  Georgia,  Jan.  16,  1830 

(h)     Letter  of  J.  N.  Bethea  to  W.  B.  Hodgson ;  Georgia, 

May  I,  1859 
(i)      News  item  from  the  Federal  Union  (Milledgeville, 

Ga.),  Sept.  17,  1834 
(j)      News  item  from  the  Federal  Union,  Sept.  17,  1834, 

clipped  from  the  Charleston  Courier 
(k)      News  item  from  the  Red  River  Republican  (Alex- 
andria, La.),  Aug.  3,  1850 
(1)      News  item  from  the  Red  River  Republican,  March 

16,  1850 
(m)      Letter   of  James   Habersham   to   William   Knox; 

Georgia,  1772 
(n)      News    item    from    the    Louisiana    Courier    (New 

Orleans),  March  3,  1828 

2  Bad  seasons  and  slave  runaways     .  .  .  •319 

(a)      Letter  of  Joseph  Valentine  to  George  Washington; 
Virginia,  1771 


CONTENTS   OF   VOLUME   I  13 

(b)     Letter  of  William  Capers  to  Charles  Manigault; 
Georgia,  1861 
Embarrassments  from  debt  .  .  .  .321 

Letter  of  Mason  to  George  Washington;  Virginia,  1773 

VII    Overseers 
An  overseer  s  testimonial      .....     323 

Letter  of  S.  P.  Myrick  to  J.  B.  Lamar;  Georgia,  1854 
Overseers  wanted     ......     323 

Notice  from  the   South  Carolina  Gazette,  Jan.  6,   1787 
A  planter's  apprentice  .  .  .  .  .324 

Extract  from  the  Diary  of  Col.  Landon  Carter  (Virginia, 
1770) 
A  question  of  authority         .....     324 

Letter  of  S.  L.  Straughan  to  Robert  Carter;  Virginia,  1787 
The  Shortcomings  of  overseers         ....     325 

(a)  Extract  from  a  letter  of  James  Habersham  to  William 
Knox;  Georgia,  1776 

(b)  Extract  from  a  letter  of  G.  M.  Salley  to  Thomas  W. 
Glover ;  Alabama,  1836 

(c)  "Extracts  from  the  Diary  of  Col.  Landon  Carter" 
(Virginia,  1772-1774) 

(d)  Extracts  from  the  "Diary  of  John  Harrower"  (Vir- 
ginia, 1775) 

(e)  News  item  from  the  New  Orleans  Bee,  May  17,  1845 

The  routine  problems  and  policies  of  an  efficient  overseer     330 
Letters  of  Elisha  Cain  to  his  employers;  Georgia,  1 831-1840 

(a)  To  Alexander  Telfair;  Feb.  18,  1831 

(b)  To  Miss  Mary  Telfair;  Nov.  20,  1836 

(c)  To  Miss  Mary  Telfair;  Dec.  14,  1840 

Assistant   overseers  .....     336 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  Charles  Manigault  to  J.  T.  Cooper ; 

Paris,  July  12,  1848 
The  purchase  of  a  plantation  foreman         .  .  .     337 

Extracts  of  letters  from  William  Capers  to  Charles  Mani- 
gault; Georgia  i860 

(a)  Letter  of  Aug.  5,  i860 

(b)  Letter  of  Aug.  II,  i860 

(c)  Letter  of  Oct.  15,  i860 


14  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

VIII     Plantation  Labor:  Indented  Whites 

1  Classes  and  conditions  of  white  servants       .  .  .     339 

Extract   from    Hugh   Jones's  Present  State   of   Virginia 

(1724) 

2  Favorable  views  of  the  indented  system       .  .  .     340 

(a)  Extract  from  John  Hammond's  Leah  and  Rachel 
(1656) 

(b)  Extract  from  a  letter  of  George  Alsop  to  his  father; 
Maryland,  circa  1659 

3  An  adverse  criticism  .....     343 

Extract  from  William  Eddis's  Letters  from  America 

4  Indented  labor  useless  on  a  disturbed  frontier        .  .     344 

Letter  of  Valentine  Crawford  to  George  Washington ;  Vir- 
ginia, 1774 

5  Runaway  redemptioners  and  convicts  .  .  .     346 

(a)  Advertisements  from  the  Virginia  Gazette,   1736- 

1737 

(b)  Advertisements  from  the  Virginia  Gazette,  Feb.  26, 

1767 

(c)  Advertisement   from   the   South   Carolina   Gazette, 
June  16-23,  1799 

6  A   stampede   of  Spanish   and  Italian   bondmen   in   British 

Florida     .......     348 

(a)  News  item  from  the  Boston  Chronicle,  Sept.  26,  1768 

(b)  Extract  from  Bernard  Romans's  A  Concise  Natural 
History  of  East  and  West  Florida 

7  Indented  artisans      ......     352 

(a)  Advertisement  from  the  Virginia  Gazette,  April  16, 
1767 

(b)  Advertisement  from  the  Virginia  Gazette,  March  26, 
1767 

(c)  Advertisement  from  the  Virginia  Gazette,  Nov.  26, 
1767 

8  Wage-earning  servants  and  artisans  imported  under  contract     354 

(a)  Letter  of  Richard  Cumberland  to  Roger  Pinckney  at 
Charleston;  London,  1767 

(b)  Extract  from  a  letter  of  Wm.  Fitzhugh  to  Eraser 
Partis;  Virginia,  1680 

(c)  Extract  from  a  letter  of  George  Mason  to  his  son; 
Virginia,  1792 


CONTENTS   OF   VOLUME   I  15 

9     The  autobiography  of  a  criminally  disposed  redemptioner     357 
Extract  from  the  Vain  Prodigal  Life  and  Tragical  Penitent 
Death  of  Thomas  Hellier  (1678) 

10  Career  and  observations   of  a   high   grade   redemptioner     366 
Extracts  from  the  "Diary  of  John  Harrower,  1773-1776" 

11  Convict  transportation,  vicissitudes  .  .  .     372 
News  item  from  the  Boston  Chronicle^  March  14-21,  1768 

12  Items  on  the  trade  in  servants       ....     374 

(a)  Extract  from  a  letter  of  Wm.  Byrd  to  Mr.  Andrews 
of  Rotterdam;  Virginia,  1739 

(b)  Extract  from  a  letter  of  John  Brown  to  William 
Preston ;  Virginia,  1774 

(c)  Advertisement  from  the  Knoxville   (Tenn.)   Reg- 
ister, Dec.  8,  1818. 


ILLUSTRATIONS  TO  VOLUME  I 

Photographic  Facsimile  of  the  indorsement  by  Thomas 
Oliver,  overseer,  of  his  Report  on  Equipment  of  a  Plantation, 
Virginia,    1771  .  .  .  .  .  •     247 

Photographic  Facsimile  of  the  above  Report  .  .    249 


PREFACE 

To  the  thoughtful  man  the  genesis  of  a  great  under- 
taking has  an  interest  of  its  own  apart  from  the  final 
result.  It  is  but  natural,  therefore,  to  suppose  that 
those  interested  in  the  Documentary  History  of  Amer- 
ican Industrial  Society  should  wish  to  know  something 
of  the  causes  that  led  to  the  organization  of  the  Amer- 
ican Bureau  of  Industrial  Research  and  of  the  purposes 
in  view  in  the  work  prepared  under  its  auspices. 

In  1886,  I  published  a  book  The  Labor  Movement 
in  America^  as  the  first  step  to  a  more  exhaustive  study 
of  industrial  society.  In  the  preface  to  that  book  I  said, 
"I  do  not  claim  to  have  written  a  history  of  the  labor 
movement  in  America.  I  offer  this  book  merely  as  a 
sketch  which  will,  I  trust,  some  day  be  followed  by  a 
book  worthy  of  the  title  History  of  Labor  in  the  New 
Worlds  I  thought  then,  that  within  a  few  years  at 
most,  I  should  be  able  to  accomplish  my  purpose,  but 
the  undertaking  was  greater  than  I  anticipated,  and  as 
often  as  I  attempted  to  begin  the  work,  I  was  deterred 
by  the  difficulties  to  be  overcome. 

In  the  first  place  there  was  not  sufficient  collection  of 
material  for  such  a  work  as  I  proposed  to  myself,  and 
the  material  that  might  exist  was  scattered  throughout 
the  country  in  public  and  private  libraries,  much  of  it 
inaccessible.  In  no  country  has  the  value  of  economic 
records  been  sufficiently  appreciated;  but  in  America 
least  of  all  has  their  bearing  on  national  history  been 
understood. 


20  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

Something  had  already  been  done  in  France  in  col- 
lecting and  editing  the  records  of  the  guilds  of  the 
Middle  Ages.  In  1837  under  the  patronage  of  the 
king,  and  the  direction  of  the  minister  of  public  instruc- 
tion, M.  Depping  was  enabled  to  reprint  Les  Registres 
des  Metiers  et  Marchandises  de  la  Ville  de  Paris,  begun 
in  the  thirteenth  century  by  Etienne  Boileau  in  the 
reign  of  Louis  IX.  Boileau's  learned  editor  in  1837, 
in  including  this  single  volume  in  the  magnificent 
Collection  de  Documents  inedits  sur  I'histoire  de 
France,  apologetically  observes  that  though  it  is  but 
the  records  of  primitive  associations  of  artisans,  yet  it 
deserves  a  place  in  a  series  designed  to  illuminate  the 
civil  and  political  history  of  France. 

The  movement  towards  the  preservation  and  publica- 
tion of  economic  records  had  also  a  small  beginning  in 
other  countries,  although  documents  of  economic  his- 
tory have  not  been  the  main  object  of  any  single  large 
undertaking,  but  have  worked  their  way  to  the  atten- 
tion of  societies  and  governmental  authorities  interested 
originally  in  the  genealogical,  political,  literary,  eccle- 
siastical, and  legal  muniments  of  their  nation's  history. 
Such,  for  example,  have  been  the  Camden  and  Selden 
Societies  of  Great  Britain,  and  the  numerous  local  and 
county  societies  such  as  the  Surtees  Society  for  the 
Northern  Counties,  the  Chatham  Society  for  Lancaster 
and  Chester,  the  Oxford  Historical  Society,  and  others. 

But  in  America  when  I  began  preparations  for  my 
book,  there  was  nothing  of  the  kind  to  fall  back  upon, 
and  I  had  to  make  my  own  collection,  which  in  time 
included  many  books,  newspapers,  scrap-books,  and 
pamphlets  indispensable  for  the  interpretation  of  our 
labor  history.  The  value  of  fugitive  pamphlets,  re- 
ports, manifestos,  advertisements,  and  newspaper  arti- 


PREFACE  21 

cles  as  material  for  the  understanding  and  interpreta- 
tion of  social  conditions  and  movements  was  then  so 
little  appreciated  that  I  met  with  scant  encouragement. 
I  well  remember  that  once  a  friend  and  colleague,  look- 
ing at  the  stacks  of  newspapers  in  my  office  at  the  Johns 
Hopkins  University,  said  to  me:  "Ely,  what  you  need 
is  a  good  fire  to  rid  you  of  all  this  rubbish."  Extensive 
as  was  my  collection,  it  was  altogether  inadequate  for 
the  larger  work  I  had  in  mind,  and  the  mere  labor  and 
expense  of  collecting,  to  say  nothing  of  the  task  of  or- 
ganizing and  writing,  were  beyond  my  own  resources. 
I  decided,  finally,  that  a  work  of  the  scope  I  had 
planned  was  beyond  the  power  of  one  man  to  accom- 
plish, and  I  set  myself,  therefore,  to  secure  by  the  co- 
operation of  many  what  could  not  be  accomplished  by 
one.  By  letters  and  personal  interviews  with  prominent 
men  throughout  the  country,  I  strove  to  secure  the 
organization  of  a  society  for  industrial  research,  with 
a  fund  sufficient  to  cover  the  expense  of  investigation. 
After  various  fruitless  efforts,  Mr.  Robert  Hunter  of 
New  York,  who  was  interested  in  my  plan,  introduced 
me  to  Mr.  V.  Everit  Macy,  also  of  New  York.  Mr. 
Macy  made  the  initial  contribution  to  our  contemplated 
society,  and  generous  contributions  were  made  also  by 
Mr.  Robert  Fulton  Cutting  and  Mr.  Justice  Henry 
Dugro  of  New  York,  Mr.  Stanley  McCormick  of  Chi- 
cago, Captain  Ellison  Smyth  of  Greenville,  S.C.,  and 
others.  By  these  contributions  our  success  was  assured, 
and  in  March,  1904,  the  American  Bureau  of  Industrial 
Research  was  organized  for  the  purpose  of  preparing 
a  full  and  complete  history  of  American  industrial 
society.  Mr.  V.  Everit  Macy  was  elected  treasurer, 
an  advisory  committee  was  appointed,  consisting  of 
Professor  John  B.  Clark  of  Columbia  University  and 


*a  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

Dr.  Albert  Shaw,  editor  of  the  American  Review  of 
Reviews^  and  the  direction  of  the  work  was  entrusted 
to  Professor  John  R.  Commons  and  myself.  Professor 
Commons  had  been  a  student  of  mine  at  Johns  Hopkins 
University,  attracted  there  by  my  Labor  Movement  in 
America.  He  had  become  a  specialist  in  labor  sub- 
jects, and  at  the  time  of  our  organization  was  connected 
with  the  National  Civic  Federation.  He  was  inter- 
ested in  the  new  enterprise  and  promised  his  coopera- 
tion and  was  therefore  associated  with  me  in  the  direc- 
tion of  the  work.  We  secured  also,  as  collaborators,  the 
services  of  Dr.  Ulrich  B.  Phillips,  Dr.  Helen  L.  Sum- 
ner, and  Dr.  John  B.  Andrews,  and  we  had  the  assist- 
ance of  Professor  Eugene  A.  Gilmore  of  the  University 
of  Wisconsin,  the  special  work  of  each  being  indicated 
in  the  title  of  these  volumes. 

On  consideration  it  was  decided  to  continue  the  work 
of  collection  already  begun  on  the  larger  and  more 
extended  scale  which  the  possession  of  our  fund  made 
possible,  and  the  first  year  of  our  activity  as  an  organi- 
zation was  devoted  to  preliminary  preparation,  our 
efforts  being  confined  chiefly  to  locating  material. 
Visits  were  paid  to  many  of  the  large  libraries  of  the 
country,  to  the  headquarters  of  national  labor  union 
organizations,  and  to  many  employers'  associations. 
Correspondence  was  also  begun  with  libraries  every- 
where, asking  for  the  names  of  all  labor  papers  or 
papers  sympathetic  to  labor  in  their  possession.  A  list 
of  nearly  two  hundred  newspapers  of  this  description 
known  to  have  existed  were  sent  to  over  five  hundred 
libraries  with  the  request  that  those  might  be  checked 
which  were  in  their  files.  In  this  way  it  was  possible 
to  locate  all  the  important  newspaper  sources  of  labor 
history  now  accessible. 


PREFACE  23 

While  Professor  Commons  and  his  force  were  thus  en- 
gaged in  a  preliminary  survey  of  the  field,  I  visited  the 
most  important  centers,  Chicago,  Boston,  Richmond, 
Washington,  and  New  York,  conferring  with  men  who 
were  interested  in  our  work,  securing  contributions,  and 
examining  source  material.  I  also  visited  the  Mesaba 
iron  range,  and  investigated  labor  conditions  in  that 
important  industry.  As  a  result  of  the  interest  thus 
aroused  we  afterwards  received  a  number  of  valuable 
collections  of  papers  and  documents  bearing  on  labor 
and  labor  movements. 

The  next  step  was  to  secure  as  much  as  possible  of 
the  material  thus  located.  Personal  visits  were  made 
to  the  libraries  of  Indianapolis,  Cincinnati,  New  York, 
Providence,  Boston,  Lynn,  Lowell,  Worcester,  Detroit, 
St.  Louis,  Kansas  City,  Topeka,  Pittsburg,  and  other 
places.  Wherever  possible,  the  desired  material  was 
secured,  and  where  it  could  not  be  obtained,  transcripts 
were  made  of  the  more  important  documents  and  news- 
paper articles.  This  work  for  the  East  and  West  was 
under  the  direction  of  Professor  Commons,  ably  assisted 
by  Dr.  Helen  L.  Sumner  and  Dr.  John  B.  Andrews. 
Dr.  Ulrich  B.  Phillips  undertook  the  investigation  of 
the  scarcely  touched  southern  field,  visiting  personally 
the  libraries  of  Richmond,  Charleston,  Columbia, 
Atlanta,  Savannah,  Louisville,  Nashville,  New  Orleans, 
and  other  minor  points.  This  field  survey  revealed  an 
unexpected  and  surprising  wealth  of  sources  in  the  form 
of  newspapers  published  in  the  interest  of  early  labor 
movements  in  America,  manuscripts,  and  pamphlet 
material,  but  the  difficulties  to  be  overcome  were  dis- 
heartening. Some  of  the  newspapers  had  never,  so  far 
as  the  librarians  in  charge  were  aware,  been  consulted 
before,  and  in  one  case  an  important  file  of  a  daily 


24  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

paper  published  by  the  trade  unions  of  New  York  dur- 
ing sixteen  months  in  1834- 183 5  could  not  at  the  time 
be  examined  because  it  lay  under  the  accumulations  of 
fifty  years.  In  some  libraries  labor  journals  were  dis- 
covered whose  existence  had  been  forgotten,  although 
they  gave  information  which  was  absolutely  indis- 
pensable to  any  understanding  of  the  labor  history  of 
that  important  period  from  1830  to  1850.  In  different 
libraries  a  large  number  of  priceless  pamphlets  were 
discovered  which  were  not  classified  under  any  subject, 
but  are  to  be  found  by  looking  up  such  catch  words  as 
Report,  Remark,  Circular,  Address,  etc.  Words  like 
these  were  magic  incantations  that  brought  to  light 
treasures  not  to  be  otherwise  discovered.  Numbers  of 
pamphlets  were  published  between  1827  and  1837  of 
which  only  a  single  copy  is  known  to  be  preserved,  and 
of  others  that  were  circulated  by  thousands  not  a  single 
copy  remains.  Of  the  sixty  or  more  papers  that  were 
distinctly  on  the  labor  side  during  this  same  period, 
files  of  not  more  than  fifteen  can  be  located,  and  it  is 
probable  that  not  a  single  file  of  the  true  labor  papers 
is  complete.  Nearly  every  city  and  almost  every  trade 
organization  of  national  scope  had  its  labor  paper,  con- 
vention proceedings  were  published  in  pamphlet  form, 
constitutions  and  by-laws  ran  through  several  editions, 
and  yet,  except  for  a  few  scattering  copies  they  seem  to 
have  disappeared  from  the  earth.  Days  and  nights  of 
fruitless  search  have  led  to  nothing  but  disappointment, 
though  now  and  again  the  heart  has  been  gladdened 
by  real  ''finds".  Every  possible  place  was  ransacked 
and  some  apparently  impossible  ones,  old  book  shops 
and  dusty  attics.  Auction  lists  were  scanned,  plantation 
records,  family  correspondence,  diaries,  commission  re- 
ports, census  tables,  tax  digests,  deed  books,  probate  re- 


PREFACE  25 

turns,  everything  has  yielded  its  treasures  to  these  re- 
search workers. 

Among  the  rarer  and  more  important  labor  papers 
secured  by  the  Bureau  are :  a  volume  of  the  Man^  New 
York,  1834,  the  Workingman's  Advocate^  Chicago, 
1864-1876,  Fincher's  Trades  Review^  Philadelphia, 
1 863- 1 866,  and  Le  Socialiste,  New  York,  1 871- 1873.  A 
most  valuable  file  of  the  earliest  German  labor  paper. 
Die  Republik  der  Arbeiter,  edited  by  William  Weit- 
ling,  1 850- 1 855,  was  presented  by  the  Deutsche  Freie 
Gemeinde  of  Philadelphia,  also  a  file  of  The  Practical 
Christian,  edited  by  Adin  Ballou,  1840- 1860,  presented 
by  his  daughter  Mrs.  Abbie  Ballou  Heywood.  The 
Bureau  has  also  secured  files  of  the  Yiddish  newspapers 
beginning  with  1886  and  convention  proceedings  of 
Yiddish  labor  Unions  and  socialistic  groups  which  re- 
veal most  clearly  the  history  of  the  Yiddish  movement 
in  America. 

Of  perhaps  even  greater  importance  is  the  pamphlet 
collection.  The  first  step  in  collecting  this  material  was 
to  make  a  list  of  all  the  pamphlets  referred  to  in  news- 
papers of  the  times.  This  list  grew  from  three  hundred 
names  to  nearly  two  thousand.  Most  of  these  pamphlets 
were  of  a  fugitive  character,  dating  back  to  the  begin- 
ning of  the  nineteenth  century,  or,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
Rules  of  Work  of  the  Masons  of  the  Town  of  Boston  to 
the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century.  This  collec- 
tion includes  constitutions  of  local  trades  unions,  reports 
of  local  and  state  conventions,  platforms  of  labor  unions 
and  workingmen's  political  parties,  reports  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  national  trades  union  conventions,  constitu- 
tions and  by-laws  of  national  trades  unions,  judicial 
decisions  in  county  and  state  courts,  travellers'  notes  re- 
garding important  strikes,  pronunciamentos  of  associa- 


a6  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

tions  of  employers  and  workingmen  at  the  time  of  im- 
portant strikes.  Under  this  head  may  also  be  noted  a 
collection  of  editorials,  advertisements  bearing  on  the 
labor  situation,  such  as  calls  for  meetings  and  conven- 
tions, announcements  of  scales  of  wages,  runaway  ap- 
prentices, and  communistic  and  socialistic  movements. 

Another  department  of  the  collection  is  that  of  tran- 
scripts. Many  of  the  papers  and  documents  unearthed, 
the  Bureau  could  neither  borrow  nor  purchase.  In  all 
such  cases  a  competent  corps  of  copyists  made  tran- 
scripts of  whatever  was  deemed  valuable  and  these 
transcriptions  are  the  very  cream  of  the  literature  upon 
industrial  society  in  all  the  libraries  of  the  country  out- 
side of  the  Madison  libraries.  They  have  been  classified 
just  as  the  papers,  documents,  and  pamphlets  have  been, 
and  afford  a  third  rich  source  of  information. 

A  fourth  important  department  is  represented  by  the 
collection  of  accounts  of  labor  conspiracy  trials  prior 
to  the  Massachusetts  case  of  Commonwealth  vs  Hunt 
in  1842.  Starting  out  with  the  list  of  eleven  cases  named 
in  the  Sixteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  United  States 
Bureau  of  Labor,  six  new  cases  were  later  discovered, 
and  of  these  more  or  less  complete  records  were  ob- 
tained, most  of  them  in  the  form  of  stenographic  ac- 
counts. 

It  is  perhaps  true  that  the  wealth  of  economic  and 
social  documents  derived  from  the  life  of  a  European 
nation  far  exceeds  anything  that  can  be  discovered  in 
America.  M.  Gustave  Fagniez  has  brought  together, 
in  two  small  volumes,  documents  relating  to  the  com- 
merce and  industry  of  France,  beginning  with  extracts 
from  the  writings  of  Caesar,  Strabo,  and  Diodorus.^ 

1  Fagniez,  Gustave.  Documents  relatifs  a  I'histoire  de  I'  Industrie  et  du 
commerce  en  France  (Paris,  1898  and  1900). 


PREFACE  27 

And  to  this  long  stretch  of  time  is  added  the  multitude 
of  institutions  whose  daily  dealings  have  left  their 
records.  It  requires  four  thousand,  five  hundred  and 
twenty-two  titles  for  M.  Stein  to  recite  the  published 
and  unpublished  French  cartularies,  those  important 
files  of  bills,  receipts,  privileges,  immunities,  exemp- 
tions, and  other  business  records  of  the  church  in 
France.^  And  when  to  this  is  added  the  immense  field 
of  the  merchant  and  craft  guilds  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
with  their  wealth  of  documents  published  by  indi- 
viduals, societies,  and  governments  throughout  western 
Europe,  the  one  isolated  charter  of  the  shoemakers' 
company  conferred  by  the  colony  of  Massachusetts 
Bay  in  1648  stands  out  a  precious  and  curious  instru- 
ment.^ 

At  the  same  time,  while  America  is  lacking  in  the 
peculiar  resources  that  flow  from  long  antiquity  and 
manifold  forms  of  organization,  yet  we  have  our  own 
peculiar  institutions  that  will  eventually  yield  a  rich 
store  of  records  for  their  interpretation. 

In  addition  to  the  collection  of  American  material, 
the  Bureau  has  acquired,  largely  through  the  liberality 
of  Mr.  William  English  Walling,  a  very  valuable 
library  of  German  socialistic  literature.  It  contains 
some  works  said  not  to  be  found  even  in  the  party 
archives  of  the  German  social  democracy  in  Berlin, 
among  other  things  the  now  rare  first  works  editions  of 
early  works  of  Marx  and  Engels.  It  contains  not  only 
most  of  the  pamphlets  printed  in  the  sixties  and  seven- 
ties previous  to  the  exclusion  law  against  social  de- 
mocracy (1878),  but  many  of  the  leaflets  and  pamphlets 

2  Stein,  Henri.  Bibliographie  generale  des  Cartulaires  Francois  ou  relatifs 
a  I'histoire  de  Trance  (Paris,  1907). 

*  Records  of  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  vol.  iii,  132. 


28  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 


that  were  secretly  circulated  after  that  law  made  litera- 
ture of  the  sort  illegal.  There  are  almost  complete  pro- 
ceedings of  all  the  socialist  congresses  of  the  German, 
Austrian,  and  Swiss  socialistic  parties  so  far  as  these 
have  been  published  in  separate  form.  The  principal 
organs  of  the  German  central  democracy,  and  those  of 
the  socialist  party  which  are  printed  in  foreign  countries 
and  secretely  circulated  in  Germany,  likewise  form  a 
part  of  the  collection  and  there  are  various  files  of 
the  socialistic  labor  papers  published  later  in  Berlin. 
Of  great  significance  for  scientific  research  is  the  com- 
plete series  of  political  reviews  and  monthlies  published 
by  socialists  in  the  German  language.  There  is  also 
much  material  for  the  history  of  the  German  labor 
movement  in  America,  with  nearly  all  the  newspapers 
which  the  German- American  laborers  published  from 
1846  to  1875  in  support  of  their  struggles  and  interests 
and  for  the  dissemination  of  their  ideas. 

Along  with  the  collecting  was  carried  on  the  equally 
arduous  and  important  work  of  classifying  and  cata- 
loguing. For  this  a  large  staff  of  stenographers,  clerks, 
and  copyists  was  necessary.  A  card  catalogue  has  been 
made  of  all  books,  manuscripts,  and  pamphlets  dealing 
with  labor  conditions  and  labor  movements  from  18 15 
to  1875,  and  a  second  card  catalogue  for  those  from 
1875  to  the  present.  Another  card  catalogue  has  been 
made  of  all  labor  papers  and  papers  sympathetic  or 
actively  hostile  to  labor  in  the  country,  so  far  as  known. 
This  information  has  been  classified  in  two  ways,  first 
under  the  name  of  the  paper  and  second  under  the  name 
of  the  library  where  the  paper  is  to  be  found.  Another 
card  catalogue  lists  all  the  material  to  be  found  in 
Madison,  and  finally  a  card  catalogue  has  been  made  of 


PREFACE  29 

all  articles  transcribed  from  documents  or  newspapers 
in  other  libraries  with  a  notation  where  they  are  to  be 
found.  Longer  articles  are  arranged  under  subject 
headings  and  in  some  cases  where  there  is  a  large 
amount  of  material,  there  is  a  further  division  by  years. 
As  the  scope  and  value  of  the  material  thus  gathered 
together  became  more  and  more  evident,  the  suggestion 
was  made  by  Professor  Commons  that  the  most  im- 
portant documents  be  printed  for  the  benefit  of  scholars 
to  whom  the  collection  itself  was  not  accessible.  The 
wisdom  of  the  suggestion  was  apparent  and  prepara- 
tions were  begun  to  select  such  material  as  might  be 
most  significant  for  the  study  of  industrial  society.  Such 
a  publication  would  be  part  of  the  general  movement 
throughout  western  civilization  which  is  diverting  the 
interest  of  students  and  historians  from  wars,  politics, 
and  various  forms  of  government  to  the  economic  life 
of  the  people.  Contemporary  with  the  organization  of 
the  Bureau  was  the  action  of  the  French  Parliament, 
November,  1903,  which  created  a  commission  for  the 
publication  of  documents  of  the  economic  history  of 
the  French  Revolution.  This  commission  of  forty-six 
senators,  deputies,  government  officials,  professors,  and 
archivists,  under  the  presidency  of  M.  Jaures,  is  now 
publishing  a  series  of  some  sixty  volumes,  covering  such 
matters  as  the  proceedings  of  committees  on  agriculture 
and  commerce,  the  abolition  of  feudal  rights,  the  de- 
preciation of  paper  money,  and  so  on  throughout  the 
entire  field  of  labor  and  industry  during  that  tragic 
period.^  This  is  the  largest  venture  of  its  kind,  and  may 
well  draw  upon  the  resources  of  a  great  nation  for  its 
fulfilment.    Yet  its  value  can  not  be  overestimated  when 

^ Revue  politique  ei  parlementaire  (May  lo,  1909),  331. 


30  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

judged  by  the  standards  that  guide  modem  historians  as 
they  turn  to  the  movements  of  the  masses  of  the  people 
for  explanations  of  the  events  of  history. 

It  v^ill  not  be  necessary  to  mention  the  work  now 
being  pursued  in  Germany,  Austria,  Belgium,  and  other 
countries  of  Europe  in  order  to  enforce  recognition  of 
the  modern  trend  of  historical  interest.  The  change 
has  come  about  so  gradually  that  its  magnitude  is  not 
wholly  apparent.  The  contrast  stands  out,  however, 
when  we  go  back  one  hundred  fifty  years  and  compare 
the  view  of  the  greatest  of  historians  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  if  not  the  greatest  of  all  centuries,  Edward 
Gibbon,  with  the  views  of  historians  who  today  seek  the 
underlying  conditions  of  the  Decline  and  Fall  of  the 
Roman  Empire.  To  Gibbon  the  principal  subjects  of 
history  were  "wars  and  the  administration  of  public 
affairs."  Attention  was  "solely  confined  to  a  court,  a 
capital,  a  regular  army,  and  the  districts  which  happen 
to  be  the  occasional  scene  of  military  operations."  Con- 
sequently, "millions  of  obedient  subjects  pursue  their 
useful  occupations  in  peace  and  obscurity."  ^ 

To  the  historian  of  today  it  is  the  very  peace  and  ob- 
scurity of  these  industrious  millions  that  furnish  the 
object  of  diligent  search.  The  vulgar  but  precious  docu- 
ments they  unearth  and  edit  are  the  tax  receipts,  the 
bills  of  exchange,  the  leases,  wills,  and  other  every-day 
records  of  the  life  and  living  of  the  people,  written 
perhaps  on  papyri  and  preserved  by  their  fortunate  use 
as  covers  for  their  mummies.  Eventually,  out  of  this 
patient  search,  with  a  new  wealth  of  economic  material, 
a  new  Gibbon  may  picture  to  us  the  work  and  industry 
that  sustained  the  masses  while  they  suffered  beneath 

''Gibbon,  Edward.  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire  (Bury),  vol. 
i,  236. 


PREFACE  3 1 

the  wars  and  politics  so  graphically  portrayed  by  the 
elder  Gibbon.^ 

American  historians  have  also  begun  to  turn  their 
attention  to  these  fundamental  subjects,  as  is  evidenced 
by  a  report  of  the  committee  on  the  Documentary  Pub- 
lications of  the  United  States  Government.    That  com- 
mittee of  leading  historians,  after  observing  that  the 
United  States  has  been  primarily  a  peaceful  nation  and 
that  its  contributions  to  history  lie  in  the  field  of  in- 
dustrial and  social  development  quite  as  much  as  in  that 
of  political  institutions,  and  much  more  than  in  the 
field  of  war  or  foreign  relations,  "proceeds  to  recom- 
mend as  its  ideal"  an  extensive  publication  by  govern- 
ment of  documents  dealing  with  agriculture,  labor,  in- 
dustry, and  commerce.    It  is  fortunate  that,  failing  the 
slow  and  doubtful  recognition  by  government  of  this  ap- 
peal from  historians  the  generous  contributors  to  the 
American  Bureau  of  Industrial  Research  have  made  it 
possible  to  place  the  present  collection  of  documents  at 
the  disposal  both  of  them  and  the  general  public.    It  is 
hoped  that  these  volumes  will  do  for  the  social  and  in- 
dustrial life  of  the  American  people  what  the  publica- 
tion of  colonial  records,  town,  state,  and  federal  records 
has  done  for  the  political,  constitutional,  and  military 
life  of  the  people. 

The  search  and  selection  of  these  records,  their  as- 
sembling and  publication,  is  more  than  a  mere  anti- 
quarian pursuit,  it  is  a  prerequisite  for  interpreting  the 
truly  urgent  and  menacing  problems  of  today.  To  these 
documents  of  the  past  two  considerations  have  served 
to  render  a  deepening  interest.    The  labor  problem  in 

*The  best  example  of  the  recent  attitude  of  historians  in  a  field  where 
economic  and  labor  investments  are  most  difficult  to  get  at  is  Julius  Belich's 
Griechische  Geschichte   (Strassburg,   1893-1904),   3  vols. 


32  PREFACE 


all  its  ramifications,  whether  as  a  race  problem  in  the 
South,  a  trade  union  problem  in  the  North,  or  a  political 
problem  in  both,  is  demanding  increasing  attention; 
and  at  the  same  time,  the  doctrine  of  evolution,  or  the 
natural  growth  of  society,  is  directing  this  attention  to 
the  historical  causes  of  the  problem  as  the  true  method 
of  arriving  at  its  full  understanding.     It  is  these  two 
considerations  that  have  determined  the  selection  and 
guided  the  arrangement  of  the  documents  herewith  re- 
produced.     "Plantation    and    Frontier"    reveal    the 
economic  adjustments  of  white  and  black  races,  whether 
as  slaves  and  slave-owners,  or  as  freemen,  seeking  to 
escape  the  competition  of  slavery  by  westward  migra- 
tion or  by  protective  legislation  and  trade  union  bar- 
riers.    "Labor  Conspiracy  Cases"  furnish  us  not  only 
with  documents  showing  the  evolution  of  legal  doctrine, 
but  also  with  the  most  detailed  and  intimate  descrip- 
tions given  by  witnesses  and  counsel,  of  the  industrial 
conditions  of  the  time  and  the  awakening  consciousness 
of  a  wage-earning  class.    The  volumes  bearing  the  title 
"Labor  Movement",  reveal  the  efforts  of  free  labor  to 
meet  industrial   and  political  conditions  in   all  their 
kaleidoscopic  changes  and  ramifications  of  wages  and 
prices,  machinery  and  free  land,  factory  and  farm,  pros- 
perity and  depression,  war  and  peace,  charity  and  un- 
employment, protection  and  immigration,  cooperation 
and  socialism,  trade  unions  and  political  parties. 

Richard  T.  Ely. 
University  of  Wisconsin,  August,  1909. 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION 

Few  persons  realize  how  crowded  with  the  richest 
historical  material  has  been  the  brief  record  of  the 
United  States  since  it  achieved  its  independence.  The 
life  of  our  country  has  made  up  in  intensity  what  it  has 
lacked  in  duration.  So  far  are  we  from  being  destitute 
of  materials  for  history  that,  in  fact,  for  the  time  covered 
by  our  existence  as  an  independent  nation,  we  possess 
them  in  an  abundance  that  is  quite  unique.  Much  of 
this  material  is  as  yet  unutilized  and  a  use  of  it  is 
necessary  not  merely  for  the  completion  of  the  record 
of  our  own  national  life,  but  for  an  understanding  of 
that  of  the  world  as  a  whole.  It  has  fallen  to  America 
to  go  quickly  through  an  industrial  evolution  which  has 
translated  it  from  a  simple  and  primitive  state  into  a 
very  advanced  one,  and  we  have  reached  a  point  towards 
which  a  large  part  of  the  world  is  still  moving. 

A  history  of  America  from  an  industrial  and  social 
point  of  view  will  supply  something  which  general 
history  itself  has  greatly  needed.  A  glance  at  a  few 
facts  will  serve  to  show  how  rich  is  the  field  which  the 
present  work  is  entering  and  how  intense  will  be  the 
interest  attaching  to  the  narrative  portion  of  it.  It  will 
also  show  how  invaluable  is  the  mass  of  documentary 
material  which  the  authors  have  rescued  from  destruc- 
tion and  preserved  for  future  use. 

I.  This  country  has  had  its  full  share  of  political 
struggles,  and  to  these  histories  have  not  failed  to  do 
justice.     The   contests  of   Federalists  with   Anti-fed- 


34  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

eralists,  those  of  Whigs  with  Democrats,  and  those  of 
Republicans  with  later  Democrats  have  been  fully  de- 
scribed. The  constitution-making  which  has  gone  on 
in  the  midst  of  these  contentions  has  also  been  described ; 
but  economic  life  lies  back  of  the  politics  and  the  growth 
of  the  constitution  and  has  given  direction  to  it  all ;  and 
this  has  been  meagrely  treated. 

2.  This  underlying  cause  of  political  contest  and 
constitutional  change  has  been  active  throughout  the 
world,  but  its  action  has  been  rapid  and  conspicuous  in 
America. 

3.  The  period  covered  by  the  history  of  the  Amer- 
ican Republic  has  involved  a  greater  transformation  in 
the  practical  life  of  civilized  nations  than  has  the  entire 
period  of  recorded  history  previous  thereto.  This  is  a 
startling  assertion,  but  the  facts  will  bear  it  out.  In 
modes  of  getting  and  using  the  means  of  living,  the 
civilization  of  Mesopotamia  two  thousand  years  before 
Christ  was  more  like  that  of  Europe  in  1776  than  was 
this  to  present  society. 

4.  Democracy  has  always  developed  hand  in  hand 
with  industry  and  has  been  related  to  it  as  effect  to 
cause.  This  relation  has  been  obvious  in  the  United 
States.  As  it  is  easy  to  see  why  the  colonies  had  more 
of  the  democratic  spirit  than  the  mother  countries,  so  it 
is  easy  to  see  why  the  present  states  have  a  more  militant 
type  of  it  than  had  the  colonies.  In  industry  a  very  un- 
democratic thing,  namely,  monopoly,  has  lately  made 
its  appearance;  but  this  has  provoked  the  most  intensely 
democratic  movement  of  modern  times,  that,  namely, 
which  demands  a  popular  control  of  everything.  It 
is  the  movement  which,  in  its  extreme  form,  becomes 
socialism. 

5.  What  is  called  the  philosophy  of  history  has  been 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION  3S 

vague  and  speculative ;  but  the  record  of  developing  in- 
dustry gives  it  substance.  Very  concrete  are  the  eco- 
nomic facts  which  the  present  work  records  and  easily 
traceable  are  their  connections  with  positive  laws  of 
social  and  political  growth. 

These  five  general  facts  show  that  a  key  to  the  under- 
standing of  American  history  and  of  all  history  is  fur- 
nished by  a  knowledge  of  economic  events.  This 
knowledge  may  be  gained  in  abundant  measure  by  a 
study  of  records  that  exist  in  the  United  States.  In  pro- 
portion to  the  value  of  such  an  intelligent  understanding 
of  history  is  the  value  of  the  records  which  the  present 
work  embodies  and  of  the  narrative  that  will  be  based 
on  them. 

It  is  worth  while  to  recur  seriatim  to  these  general 
statements.  Concerning  the  claim  that  the  forces  which 
center  in  industry  are  very  dominant  in  the  life  of 
America  not  much  argument  is  necessary.  They  have, 
indeed,  been  dominant  everywhere.  It  is  a  common 
criticism  that  such  histories  of  most  countries  as  have 
until  recently  been  current  have  been  too  largely  mili- 
tary and  too  little  institutional.  They  have  given  great 
space  to  the  records  of  wars  and  territorial  changes  and 
in  so  far  as  they  have  dealt  with  the  internal  conditions 
of  the  different  nations,  they  have  given  prominence  to 
the  struggles  of  ruling  families  for  supremacy.  Such 
records  are  full  of  dramatic  interest  and,  if  the  truth 
be  known,  are  free  from  a  certain  dryness  from  which 
purely  constitutional  histories  at  times  sufifer.  They 
appeal  to  an  elemental  trait  in  their  readers  -  an  interest 
in  struggles  of  any  kind  -  as  minute  descriptions  of  a 
political  constitution  and  the  administrative  processes 
that  have  developed  under  it  seldom  do.  Moreover 
such  a  record  of  struggles,  national  and  international, 


26  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

really  shows  how  countries  have  assumed  their  geo- 
graphical shapes  and  dimensions  and  how  they  have 
come  into  closer  and  closer  connection  with  each  other. 
These  connections  already  suggest  the  coming  federa- 
tion of  the  world.  The  once  dim  outlines  of  a  world 
state  are  now  appearing  more  clearly  in  the  midst  of 
international  rivalries  and  occasional  struggles.  Wars 
have  had  a  legitimate  place  in  history;  but  if  the  world- 
wide federation  shall  come  to  be  a  substantial  reality, 
it  will  introduce  an  age  in  which  the  wars  shall  be  no 
more  and  all  histories  will  deal  with  the  institutional 
life  of  mankind. 

Economic  interests  and  purposes  have,  in  part,  oc- 
casioned the  wars.  There  has  been  a  need  of  expanding 
territory  for  an  enlarging  population,  or  there  has  been 
a  need  of  colonies  and  "spheres  of  influence",  for  com- 
mercial purposes.  Of  late,  however,  economic  motives 
have  been  most  powerfully  revealed  in  the  effort  to  put 
an  end  to  warfare,  in  order  that  the  organic  union  of 
the  world  may  become  closer  and  stronger  and  that  in- 
dustry everywhere  may  be  more  remunerative.  To  in- 
fluences like  this  is  the  movement  toward  a  world  state  - 
the  greatest  fact  of  modern  history  -  largely  due.  Such 
influences  are  central  in  all  history. 

Little  argument  is  needed  to  show  how  much  America 
has  to  offer  in  the  way  of  showing  the  connection  be- 
tween economic  motives  and  historical  events.  This 
country  has  engaged  in  one  small  war,  that  with  Mexico, 
which  may  be  classed  with  the  early  land  grabbing  con- 
tests of  other  countries.  In  its  colonial  history  some- 
thing akin  to  this  has  taken  place;  but  since  achieving 
its  independence  the  country  has  engaged  in  only  one 
great  military  struggle,  the  Civil  War,  and  that  grew 
out  of  an  internal  development  in  which  economic  in- 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION  37 

terests  played  a  leading  part.    Slavery  established  itself 
firmly  in  the  South  when  the  use  of  the  cotton  gin  made  • 
it  productive.     In  the  contests  over  the  extension  of  it 
to  new  territory  and  in  the  w^ar  which  led  to  the  aboli- 
tion of  it,  moral  influences  had  their  full  effect;  but  such 
influences  are  consistent  with  the  concurrent  play  of  the 
economic  ones.    The  military  part  of  the  brief  record 
of  the  United  States  is  colored  by  the  action  of  both  sets 
of  influences;  and  other  parts  of  it  are  equally  so. 
Parties  were  once  aligned  according  to  their  attitude 
toward  slavery,  and  they  are  now  taking  an  alignment  in 
which  the  relations  of  employers  and  employed  and 
those  of  monopolies  toward  the  general  public  are  active 
factors.    The  entire  period  since  1789  has  been  full  of 
industrial  struggles ;  but  the  present  period  is  more  com- 
pletely dominated  by  them  than  earlier  ones  have  been, 
and  in  all  of  them  interests  and  rights  are  intertwined. 
That  American  history  in  this   respect  reflects  the 
larger  history  of  the  world  is  evident.     A  fact  which 
everywhere  underlies  the  struggles  of  employers  and 
employed,  and  the  monopoly  and  the  socialism  to  which 
they  have  led,  is  the  supplanting  of  hand  labor  by 
machinery.    To  this  transformation  the  United  States 
has  been  a  leading  contributor.    Its  citizens  have  done 
a  great  amount  of  the  inventing  and  the  country  has 
afforded  an  unequaled  inducement  to  utilize  inventions. 
Everywhere,  indeed,  have  machines  won  a  place  for 
themselves  in  industry,  and  everywhere  they  have  trans- 
lated practical  life  from  one  level  to   another.      In 
America  a  special  necessity  has  existed  for  the  applica- 
tion of  mechanical  devices.    Only  thus  has  the  farmer 
been  able,  with  the  limited  amount  of  labor  at  his  com- 
mand, to  till  the  amount  of  land  which  the  government 
has  bestowed  on  him;  and  only  thus  has  the  manufac- 


38  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

turer  been  able  to  hold  his  position  in  the  competitive 
race  with  European  rivals.  Our  country  has  lain  in  the 
center  of  the  arena  in  v^hich  the  contest  between  hand 
labor  and  machine  labor  has  been  fought  to  a  finish 
and  machinery  has  triumphed  more  completely  here 
than  elsewhere. 

How  much  is  involved  in  this  transformation?  How 
far  into  the  intimate  recesses  of  social  life  and  individual 
life  have  gone  the  influences  that  emanated  from  the  in- 
'  vention  of  James  Watt  and  from  those  of  Arkwright, 
Hargreaves,  Crompton,  and  the  endless  succession  of 
men  who  followed  after  them?  They  have  done  much 
more  than  merely  to  multiply  the  physical  results  of 
labor.  We  have  become  different  mentally  and  morally 
from  what  we  should  have  been  if  the  mechanical  im- 
provements had  never  taken  place.  As  a  matter  of 
fact  the  steam-engine  led  to  the  multiplying  of  textile 
machinery,  that  to  the  factory  system  and  that  to  a  course 
of  centralization  which  has  gathered  vast  populations 
in  producing  centers.  As  the  use  of  machinery  in 
America  has  extended  to  almost  every  productive  opera- 
tion, it  has  carried  this  centralizing  process  to  very  great 
lengths  and  in  the  briefest  time.  It  has  led  to  a  fierce 
competition  in  every  department  of  business,  and  this 
struggle  has  sought  to  end  itself  by  the  building  up  of 
what  we  call  "trusts."  During  the  period  of  competi- 
tion and  well  into  the  period  of  growing  consolidation 
another  type  of  contest  has  been  waging  -  that  between 
employers  and  employed  in  each  of  the  different  occu- 
pations. While  the  automatic  machine,  the  modern 
genius  of  the  lamp,  has  been  turning  out  forms  of  utility 
in  profusion,  masters  and  workmen  have  been  contend- 
ing over  the  sharing  of  them ;  and  here  again  organiza- 
tion has  played  its  part  and  the  effects  have  been  far 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION  39 

reaching.  We  have  our  national  unions  of  employees 
on  the  one  hand,  and  of  employers  on  the  other. 

We  look  to  England  for  the  beginnings  of  the  use  of 
machinery,  but  we  find  in  our  own  country  the  largest 
application  of  it  and  the  greatest  results  it  has  as  yet 
produced;  and  it  has  resulted  from  this  that  American 
class  struggles  offer  especially  furtile  fields  of  study.  If 
there  be  any  probability  in  the  legend  that  the  steam- 
engine  is  traceable  to  the  suggestion  which  James  Watt 
got  from  watching  his  aunt's  kettle  and  seeing  the  pres- 
sure of  steam  raising  the  lid  of  it  and  the  escape  of  the 
steam  letting  it  fall,  then  that  mythical  scene  might  well 
be  the  special  symbol  of  American  development.  It  is 
without  doubt  true  that  what  James  Watt  accomplished, 
as  a  young  man  working  in  a  room  in  the  University 
of  Glasgow  under  the  patronage  of  Adam  Smith,  had 
everything  to  do  with  this  development.  The  year  1776, 
which  made  the  United  States  an  independent  nation, 
and  which  also  saw  the  publication  of  Adam  Smith's 
Wealth  of  Nations,  saw  the  steam-engine,  which  was 
destined  to  play  so  important  a  part  in  shaping  the  life 
of  the  country,  assuming  an  efficient  form.  In  a  way 
the  industrial  life  of  America,  as  contrasted  with  the 
agricultural  life  of  colonial  days,  if  it  was  not  brewing 
in  the  mythical  tea  kettle,  was  taking  shape  in  the  Glas- 
gow workshop.  Steam  and  its  consequences  have  been 
all  important. 

It  would  be  too  much  to  claim  that  the  effect  of 
machinery  has  reached  other  nations  by  way  of  the 
United  States,  although  in  the  case  of  many  specific 
appliances  this  has  been  true.  In  some  departments 
we  have  been  leaders  and  teachers.  What  is  clear  is 
that  the  effects  which  machinery  has  produced  in  the 
United  States  have  resembled  in  kind  and  exceeded  in 


40  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 


number  and  degree  those  which  it  has  produced  else- 
where. The  mechanical  genius  of  the  lamp  has  in  this 
country  gone  into  every  part  of  the  field  of  production. 

With  this  transformation  there  has  come  in  America, 
in  a  conspicuous  way,  the  centralizing  of  industries,  the 
fierce  competition,  the  combination  of  rival  producers, 
and  the  struggle  against  monopoly,  which  are  the 
features  of  present-day  life.  We  have  more  trusts  and 
stronger  ones  than  have  most  countries,  and  we  have 
strong  trade  unions  and  growing  socialistic  parties.  We 
can  see  how  all  this  is  connected  with  that  complete 
transformation  of  practical  life  which  machinery  has 
produced. 

It  is  a  paradox  that  only  a  great  country  can  be  a 
microcosm.  The  life  of  such  a  country  can  be  largely 
self-contained.  Its  farms  may  feed  its  own  people  and 
its  mills  may  yield  that  which  clothes  them.  Its  forests 
may  furnish  what  houses  them  and  its  myriad  of  fac- 
tories may  provide  the  implements  and  the  furnishings 
that  are  essential  to  its  comfort.  Behind  the  wall  created 
by  an  abnormally  high  protective  tariff  this  central 
part  of  the  North  American  continent  is  able  to  live  a 
comparatively  isolated  economic  life.  Its  interchange 
of  products  with  the  rest  of  the  world  is  slight  in  volume 
as  compared  with  its  internal  commerce.  This  condi- 
tion, as  might  easily  be  shown,  greatly  accelerates  the 
growth  of  producers'  combinations.  That  America  is 
the  favorite  home  of  so-called  trusts  is  due  to  its  com- 
mercial isolation.  With  free  trade  a  producers'  com- 
bination which  is  confined  to  a  single  country  usually 
has  no  really  monopolistic  power,  since  any  attempt  to 
restrict  production  and  raise  prices  attracts  the  products 
of  foreigners,  and  causes  prices  to  resume  their  former 
level.    With  the  foreigners  excluded,  the  monopoly  may 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION  41 

becpme  real  and  oppressive.  It  may  curtail  its  output 
of  gf)ods,  reduce  its  working  force  and  raise  its  scale  of 
prices,  to  the  injury  of  laborers  and  consumers. 

Whenever  this  occurs  there  is  an  impetus  given  to 
radidal  agitation.  Trusts  are  at  least  the  foster-fathers 
of  socialism  in  the  United  States.  They  have  compelled 
even  the  conservative  classes  to  demand  a  vigorous  regu- 
lation of  corporations,  and  they  have  caused  the  more 
democratic  ones  to  demand  the  making  over  of  all  pro- 
duction, or  of  much  of  it,  to  the  State  itself.  In  the 
colonial  period  self-government  grew^  out  of  the  local 
isolation  of  the  settlers ;  in  the  present  period  a  new  and 
startling  type  of  democracy  is  growing  out  of  the  com- 
mercial isolation  of  the  country  taken  in  connection 
with  the  modern  processes  of  production.  Machines, 
great  mills,  trusts,  class  struggles,  and  socialism  -  such  is 
the  sequence  in  American  history.  It  is  instructive  for 
us  and  for  the  world  because  America,  in  its  shut-in 
position,  is  preceding  the  world  in  a  development  which 
must,  in  the  end,  become  general. 

As  to  the  possibility  of  making  a  contribution  to  a 
philosophy  of  general  history  by  rescuing  and  utilizing 
the  scattered  records  of  practical  life  in  the  United 
States,  it  is  to  be  said  at  the  outset  that  a  systematic  state- 
ment of  the  laws  of  history  is  far  from  being  included 
in  the  plan  of  the  present  work.  It  is,  however,  coming 
to  be  recognized  that  in  no  field  is  the  action  of  masses 
of  men  so  nearly  reducable  to  a  science  as  in  the  pro- 
duction, distribution,  and  consumption  of  wealth.  These 
operations  are  amenable  to  known  laws ;  and  these  laws 
are  the  most  tangible  present  element  in  any  philosophy 
of  history  which  is  not  made  up  of  speculative  guesses. 
The  mere  recording  of  economic  facts  which  historians 
have  in  part  neglected  does  much  to  afford  a  basis  for 


42 AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

the  speculation;  but  what  is  further  true  is  that  it  helps 
to  complete  the  pure  science  of  economics,  and  so  to 
afford,  in  the  end,  a  concrete  and  trustworthy  basis  for 
some  of  the  historical  philosophy.  It  is  in  doing  this, 
that  it  accomplishes  one  of  its  less  conspicuous  but  very 
far  reaching  effects. 

It  is  inevitable  that  historians  should  try  to  philoso- 
phize. They  cannot  resist  the  temptation  to  fill  their 
narratives  with  statements  as  to  the  causes  and  effects  of 
the  events  which  they  record.  Where  the  entire  story 
has  to  deal  with  occurrences  of  a  remote  past  such  spec- 
ulation is  easy,  and  the  reader  is  not  strongly  impelled 
to  question  it.  He  cannot  know  and  does  not  always 
greatly  care  whether  the  writer  is  correct  or  incorrect 
in  his  assertions.  Modern  history,  however,  touches 
practical  life  so  closely  that  a  loose  philosophizing  is 
sure  to  be  called  in  question.  The  reader  demands  a 
reason  for  believing  that  a  certain  event  was  the  cause 
of  a  certain  series  of  other  events.  In  industrial  history 
the  statement  can  usually  be  put  to  a  test  and  its  accuracy 
or  inaccuracy  can  be  fairly  well  determined.  This  can 
be  done  the  more  surely  the  more  fully  economic  laws 
become  established.  What  is  especially  needed  is  a  con- 
firmation of  principles  of  economics  by  a  wide  induction 
from  the  facts  of  history  -  such  facts  as  the  present  work 
furnishes.  Philosophizing  with  such  a  basis  may  throw 
light  on  vital  problems.  It  may  illuminate  the  whole 
social  situation.  The  possibility  of  doing  this  depends 
on  the  confidence  with  which  we  can  appeal  to  current 
economic  theory.  We  must  have  a  science  that  in  prac- 
tical action,  can  be  trusted  because  it  has  stood  a  search- 
ing comparison  with  practical  fact. 

American  history  is  capable  of  supplying  much  of 
what  is  still  lacking  in  the  science  of  economics.    Theory 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION  43 

tells  what  must  of  necessity  result  from  certain  in- 
fluences; but  it  will  make  its  assertions  in  a  way  that 
will  carry  full  conviction  when  it  can  show  that  in  this 
country  the  given  cause  has  many  times  been  followed 
by  the  effect  attributed  to  it.  An  economic  theory  in 
its  earliest  stage  is  a  guess  as  to  the  cause  of  some  phe- 
nomenon; but  observation  of  facts  translates  even  this 
into  established  truth.  An  increased  supply  of  wheat 
must  bring  down  its  price  and  a  diminished  supply  must 
raise  it.  Various  a  priori  proofs  confirm  this  view;  but 
it  is  only  by  an  appeal  to  facts  of  common  observation 
that  the  inferences  are  translated  into  incontrovertible 
truths.  When  we  carry  the  study  into  more  difficult 
regions  -  when,  for  instance,  we  make  assertions  as  to 
the  power  of  monopolies  to  tax  consumers  and  to  oppress 
workmen -we  need  a  wider  induction  than  in  the 
former  case,  and  here  a  study  of  the  past  is  a  very  great 
help  in  verifying  economic  laws.  In  a  hundred  other 
studies  the  appeal  has  to  be  made  directly  to  history 
and  to  statistics,  and  the  more  material  we  can  gather 
from  the  record  of  the  past,  the  more  confidently  we 
can  state  the  economic  laws  which  prevail  in  the 
present. 

It  is  true,  indeed,  that  in  the  formulation  of  a  law  as 
general  as  that  of  price  the  statistics  of  a  relatively  short 
period  are  more  directly  available  than  a  historical 
narrative  covering  a  long  one.  The  full  relation  of 
economic  theory,  statistics,  and  history  stands  about  thus : 
a  principle  is  formulated  by  a  priori  reasoning  con- 
cerning facts  of  common  experience;  it  is  then  tested 
by  statistics  and  promoted  to  the  rank  of  a  known  and 
acknowledged  truth ;  illustrations  of  its  action  are  then 
found  in  narrative  history  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
economic  law  becomes  the  interpreter  of  records  that 


44  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

would  otherwise  be  confusing  and  comparatively  value- 
less; the  law  itself  derives  its  final  confirmation  from 
the  illustrations  of  its  working  which  the  records  afford ; 
but  what  is  at  least  of  equal  importance  is  the  parallel 
fact  that  the  law  affords  the  decisive  test  of  the  correct- 
ness of  those  assertions  concerning  the  causes  and  the 
effects  of  past  events  which  it  is  second  nature  to  make 
and  which  historians  almost  invariably  do  make  in  con- 
nection with  their  narrations.  We  have,  therefore,  not 
gone  too  far  in  saying  that  economics  furnishes  a  very 
large  part  of  the  philosophical  element  in  history  and 
by  far  the  largest  part  of  that  element  which  is  found 
in  the  history  of  practical  social  life.  We  are  within 
bounds  in  saying  that  America  has  afforded  the  richest 
field  for  the  application  of  known  economic  law  to  the 
interpretation  of  history  and  that,  conversely,  the  history 
of  America  offers  the  most  available  means  of  testing 
and  establishing  the  correctness  of  economic  theories 
themselves.  One  has  only  to  cite  such  changes  as  the 
abolition  of  slavery  and  the  quick  occupation  of  a  vast 
area  of  formerly  vacant  land  to  see  how  much  of  eco- 
nomic development  has  here  been  crowded  into  a  brief 
and  recent  period,  and  how  full  this  period  is  of  lessons 
for  the  economist. 

Such  are  the  more  general  reasons  for  attaching  the 
greatest  importance  to  collecting  and  preserving  the 
materials  for  an  industrial  and  social  history  of  the 
United  States.  The  same  reasons  justify  the  expectation 
that  the  narrative  which  will  be  based  on  these  materials 
will  have  a  quite  exceptional  interest.  The  absorbing 
questions  of  the  present  day  will  be  in  the  reader's  mind 
and  he  will  discover  new  light  on  them  as  the  reading 
proceeds.  He  will  find,  moreover,  that  in  solving 
problems  for  Americans  he  is  solving  them  for  hu- 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION  45 

manity.  By  no  means  will  every  perplexing  question 
be  answered  by  what  the  present  work  will  furnish; 
but  a  distinct,  considerable,  and  welcome  amount  of 
progress  will,  without  doubt,  be  made  in  this  direction. 

American  history  falls  naturally  into  certain  periods; 
and  it  requires  only  a  glance  at  the  manner  in  which 
the  division  has  usually  been  made  to  show  how  com- 
pletely, though  often  somewhat  unconsciously,  narrators 
have  been  influenced  by  economic  facts  and  principles. 
We  have  noticed  the  introduction  of  a  myriad  of 
machines,  driven  by  steam-  and  water-power  and  used 
mainly  in  manufacturing  and  transportation,  as  a  fact 
that  has  had  in  America  transforming  effects  typical  of 
what  has  gone  on  more  slowly  in  the  world  at  large. 
Two  changes  more  nearly  peculiar  to  America  and  very 
dominant  in  all  its  life  have  been  the  growth  and  aboli- 
tion of  slavery  and  the  steady  expansion  of  the  occupied 
area  of  land.  The  western  frontier  of  the  country  has 
steadily  moved  from  a  line  closely  following  the  At- 
lantic coast  across  the  continent  to  the  Pacific,  and  the 
present  frontier  must  be  sought  in  Canada  or  Alaska. 

The  periods  most  frequently  recognized  in  our 
political  history  have  mainly  been  determined  by  slavery 
and  its  effects.  There  was  a  time  when  it  was  not  highly 
profitable  and  was  under  a  certain  moral  condemnation. 
Then,  following  the  invention  of  the  cotton  gin,  came 
a  period  in  which  it  was  highly  productive  and  found, 
first,  moral  apologists  and  then  zealous  defenders.  In 
this  period  it  developed  the  great  plantation  system 
which  was  so  transforming  in  social  life,  and  which 
eagerly  reached  for  new  areas  of  territory,  an  effort 
which  was  politically  so  fateful.  To  say  that  the  third 
period  in  the  history  of  slavery  came  after  its  abolition 
states  an  essential  fact;  for  the  sequels  of  slavery -col- 


46 AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

ored  politics,  society,  and  agricultural  life  -  endured 
long  after  the  negroes  had  been  set  free.  The  costs  of 
abolition  were  far  from  being  fully  measured  by  the 
awful  sacrifice  of  life  and  treasure  directly  involved 
in  the  Civil  War  itself.  A  very  large  cost  came  in  the 
shape  of  political  chaos,  social  disruption,  and  the 
economic  paralysis  during  the  period  following  the 
struggle  and  before  new  forces  making  for  prosperity 
could  assert  themselves. 

The  history  of  the  westward  expansion  of  our  oc- 
cupied territory  falls  into  periods  which  rudely  corre- 
spond with  the  different  ages  of  slavery.  The  settled 
area  was  at  first  in  an  irregular  fringe  bordering  the 
sea  and  its  inlets.  The  inhabitants  lived  by  primitive 
methods  and  the  period  was  literally  an  age  of  home- 
spun. Even  its  agriculture  went  haltingly,  if  one  com- 
pares the  return  in  produce  with  the  outlay  in  labor. 
Hardly  a  tithe  of  what  one  man  now  gets  out  of  prairie 
lands,  by  the  aid  of  modern  appliances,  could  a  man 
then  wring  from  the  niggardly  soil  he  occupied,  by 
means  of  his  old-fashioned  tools.  This  time  of  meager 
territorial  expansion,  and  of  more  meager  returns  from 
such  land  as  was  occupied,  covered  in  a  general  way 
the  period  before  the  impetus  was  given  to  the  planta- 
tion system  in  the  South  by  Eli  Whitney's  invention. 
In  that  period  the  AUeghanies  were  crossed  by  poineers 
who  pushed  their  difficult  way  into  western  forests  and 
began  the  occupation  of  the  Northwest  Territory. 

The  full  development  of  the  great  plantation  system 
in  the  South  and  that  of  the  rich  and  powerful  states 
carved  out  of  the  Northwest  Territory  occurred  during 
the  same  epoch.  The  Civil  War  tested  the  ultimate 
strength  of  the  civilizations  above  and  below  the  Ohio 
River.  The  period  following  the  war,  which  was  one 
of  fearful  disorganization  in  the  South,  was  one  of  ab- 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION  47 

normal  territorial  expansion  in  the  North.  It  was  a 
period  of  vast  land  grants  bestowed  upon  railroads 
which  were  built  across  formerly  trackless  prairies, 
in  the  expectation  that  settlements  would  follow  rapidly 
enough  to  enable  them  ere  long  to  maintain  themselves 
by  traffic.  In  the  interim  it  was  the  proceeds  of  sales 
of  land  which  maintained  them;  and  in  a  most  interest- 
ing way  growing  land  values  came,  during  this  period, 
to  be  the  chief  available  income  for  the  frontier  society 
which  was  undergoing  such  rapid  development. 

The  homestead  settler,  as  a  rule,  carried  little  money 
with  him  and  took  up  an  occupation  which,  for  a  year 
or  two,  brought  him  very  little.  He  raised  either  no 
crop  or  a  very  meager  "sod  crop"  during  the  first  year 
in  which  he  occupied  his  holding.  In  his  second  year 
he  got  a  crop  from  the  limited  tract  of  land  which  he 
had  been  able  to  break  up;  but  only  in  the  third  or 
fourth  year  did  his  farm  yield  him,  in  crops  alone, 
an  adequate  return.  What  was  his  real  return  during 
all  this  time?  It  was  the  growing  value  of  his  farm 
itself.  He  was  becoming  a  man  of  property.  He  was 
getting  out  of  the  ranks  of  the  empty-handed  laborers 
and  was  in  the  way  to  become  a  substantial  citizen.  He 
and  his  children  became  admirable  material  for  the 
building  of  a  democratic  nation  and  of  a  high  order  of 
society.  Sooner  or  later  culture  had  its  effects  upon 
them,  and  the  change  so  well  begun  ended  by  making 
the  prairies,  which  were  but  yesterday,  as  it  were, 
tenanted  by  roving  Indians  and  the  animals  they  hunted, 
into  the  abode  of  a  population  which  can  be  confidently 
expected  to  maintain  the  best  standards  of  civilization. 
It  required  more  than  the  waving  of  the  flag  of  our 
republic  to  americanize  the  immigrants  from  Europe. 
American  land  did  most  of  it. 

The  influence  of  an  expanding  area  of  land  is  a  fas- 


48  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

cinating  subject  of  economic  study  and  is  sure  to  be 
equally  attractive  for  the  reader  of  history.  For  a  time 
it  reversed  that  condition  with  which  economists  are 
sadly  familiar,  that,  namely,  in  which  the  growth  of 
capital  and  population  presses  more  and  more  severely 
upon  the  capacity  of  the  land.  At  this  time  it  was  the 
expanding  amount  of  available  land  which  made  more 
and  more  exacting  demands  on  the  capacity  of  labor 
and  capital.  The  laborer,  chiefly  the  farmer  himself, 
would  have  been  nonplussed  and  thwarted  by  the  amount 
he  had  to  do,  even  on  the  submissive  open  prairie,  if 
new  instruments  had  not  been  put  at  his  disposal. 
Necessity,  the  mother  of  invention,  conjured  agricul- 
tural machinery  out  of  nonexistence,  and  the  mower, 
the  reaper,  the  seeding  machine,  the  gang-plow  and  a 
score  or  more  of  other  appliances  made  the  man  master 
of  his  farm  and  able  to  develop  its  full  resources.  All 
this  meant  large  returns  for  labor  and,  in  some  times 
and  places,  almost  fabulous  returns  for  the  little  amount 
of  capital  which  was  to  be  had. 

A  particularly  interesting  fact  connected  with  the  en- 
tire period  of  rapid  westward  movement  of  the  frontier 
is  the  manner  in  which  growing  land  values  entered  into 
the  general  rewards  of  labor.  Even  the  worker  who 
took  up  no  homestead  came  to  share  the  benefit  of  this 
growth.  It  has  been  correctly  said  that,  during  the 
period  when  land  seemed  limitless  in  amount  and  labor 
and  capital  very  scarce,  the  wages  of  any  kind  of  labor 
were  the  amount  that  would  induce  men  to  work  for 
others  in  lieu  of  becoming  homestead  farmers  them- 
selves. How  many  dollars  a  week  sufficed  to  make  it 
worth  while  not  to  take  a  homestead?  was  the  question 
that  many  a  man  asked  himself  when  ordinary  employ- 
ment was  offered  to  him.    Now  the  returns  of  a  home- 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION  49 

Stead  settler  consisted,  as  we  have  seen,  mainly  in  the 
increased  value  of  his  farm.  It  was  the  lure  which 
the  prospect  of  this  value  held  out  to  him  which  he 
was  asked  to  barter  of¥  for  the  steady  flow  of  dollars 
which  wage-earning  might  bring  him.  It  thus  came  to 
pass  that  in  the  village  and  the  city  the  artisan  of  every 
class  received  pay  which,  for  a  time,  contained  an 
element  of  land  value.  It  was  larger  than  it  would 
otherwise  have  been  by  reason  of  the  fact  that  so  many 
workers  were  steadily  drawn  to  the  frontier  farms  by 
the  prospect  of  independence  which  increased  land  value 
afforded.  Those  who  remained  behind  demanded  and 
received  some  offset  for  relinquishing  those  prospects. 
While  the  plantation  system  was  growing  in  the 
South,  the  rich  states  north  of  the  Ohio  river  were  in 
process  of  occupation;  and  after  the  abolition  of  slavery 
an  empire  grew  up  in  the  remoter  West.  In  many  more 
ways  than  can  here  be  mentioned  the  period  of  expan- 
sion of  the  occupied  territory  is  full  of  lessons  political 
and  social  as  well  as  purely  economic.  It  was  a  time 
when  a  vast  number  of  men,  who  in  other  conditions 
would  have  been  empty-handed  laborers,  were  trans- 
lated to  the  level  of  owners  of  modest  estates.  It  was  a 
time  when  the  industries  in  the  older  states  were  ad- 
justed to  the  conditions  of  a  moving  frontier,  the  most 
"dynamic"  of  possible  influences.  It  meant  that  build- 
ing material,  general  supplies  and  implements  and 
machinery  in  limitless  amounts  had  to  be  sent  out  to 
the  frontier,  from  which,  in  the  first  period  of  its  occu- 
pation, returns  were  meager.  A  long  and  steady  west- 
ward movement  and  the  absence  of  any  speculative 
mania  might  have  made  the  entire  period  from  the  end 
of  the  Civil  War  to  the  present  time  one  of  uninter- 
rupted prosperity.    A  highly  changeful  element  which 


50  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

the  period  contains  accounts  for  the  violence  of  business 
crises.  The  forced  movement  of  the  frontier  caused  by 
the  overstimulated  railroad  building  had  its  irregu- 
larities. The  more  dynamic  a  society  is  the  greater  are 
the  irregularities  of  its  development  and  the  more  cer- 
tain are  its  members  to  forecast  the  future  in  a  specu- 
lative way  and  to  count  on  returns  which  now  and  then 
refuse  to  come.  The  theory  of  business  crises  is  illu- 
minated by  the  record  of  the  settlement  of  the  great 
West. 

Perhaps  it  should  be  said  that  a  history  of  America 
prepared  by  economists  should  throw  more  light  than 
has  ever  been  thrown  before  on  the  subject  of  protec- 
tive tariffs;  and  while  unanimity  of  view  is  not  to  be 
expected  in  this  department  of  thought,  there  are  a  few 
leading  facts  concerning  which  much  difference  of  view 
would  be  discreditable.  One  of  these  is  that  original 
high  wages  were  what  called  into  existence  the  pro- 
tective system.  Duties  on  imports  could  not  have 
originally  created  the  high  wages  that  existed  before 
they  were  imposed.  The  second  fact  is  that  the  argu- 
ment for  protection,  which  has  existed  in  the  mind  of 
the  American  people  from  the  beginning,  has  been  a 
dynamic  argument.  The  measure  has  had,  as  its  object, 
the  development  of  resources  which  were  sure  to  be 
valuable  in  the  end,  though  at  the  outset  and  for  a  long 
time  the  process  was  costly. 

Immigration  has  been  a  leading  fact  in  American 
history,  and  the  sources  of  it  and  the  character  of  the 
immigrants  have  had  a  prominent  place  in  thought  and 
discussion.  It  has  not  been  by  chance  that  a  change  in 
the  nationality  and  the  condition  of  the  immigrants  took 
place  at  about  the  time  of  the  close  of  the  Civil  War. 
As  the  periods  of  the  history  of  the  Republic  which 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION  51 

are  based  on  the  growth  and  abolition  of  slavery  coin- 
cide, in  a  general  way,  with  those  which  are  based  on 
the  settlement  of  different  parts  of  the  northern  terri- 
tory, they  also  rudely  coincide  with  the  changes  which 
have  taken  place  in  the  amount  and  character  of  the  im- 
migration to  this  country.  While  the  plantation  system 
was  perfecting  itself  in  the  South  and  states  were  build- 
ing within  the  so-called  Northwest  Territory,  the  immi- 
grants came  largely  from  Great  Britian  and  Ireland. 
The  great  influx  from  Ireland  coincided  with  a  rapid 
development  of  the  states  lying  north  of  the  Ohio.  The 
change  by  which  Germany,  Italy,  Scandinavia,  and  the 
Slavic  countries  came  to  figure  prominently  as  the 
source  of  the  stream  of  immigration  took  place  when  the 
remoter  areas  of  the  West  came  rapidly  to  be  occupied. 
This  is  more  than  a  mere  coincidence.  The  exploita- 
tion of  the  remote  West  was  pushed  with  the  greatest 
rapidity  because  railroads  were  everywhere  penetrating 
that  territory  and  making  its  lands  accessible.  At  the 
same  time  railroads  and  steamship  lines  were  reducing 
the  time  and  the  cost  required  for  a  journey  from  re- 
mote countries  to  America.  This  it  was  which  made 
immigration  everywhere  possible  for  poorer  classes  than 
those  that  had  formerly  furnished  settlers  for  American 
lands.  An  economic  cause  changed  the  character  of 
the  incoming  human  stream. 

The  question  which  is  most  frequently  asked  is 
whether  the  new  immigrants  are  not  too  foreign  to  be 
americanized.  It  would  seem  that  some  of  them  might 
be  less  easily  assimilated  than  those  who  came  from 
Great  Britian  and  Ireland.  Experience  is  the  test 
which  must  here  be  applied;  and  such  experience  as  the 
country  has  had  during  the  last  of  the  periods  referred 
to  will,  as  may  be  confidently  asserted,  prove  that  the 


52  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

americanizing  goes  on  effectively  when  the  economic 
conditions  of  this  country  itself  are  such  as  to  ensure  it. 
Conditions  take  precedence  of  racial  qualities  because 
the  change  in  prevailing  conditions  is  far  greater  than 
the  changes  of  race.  There  is  far  more  likeness  between 
different  branches  of  the  European  family  than  there 
is  between  the  economic  conditions  into  which  immi- 
grants came  in  the  third  quarter  of  the  last  century,  and 
those  into  which  they  come  today.  Then  they  could 
have  farms  for  the  asking,  while  now  most  of  them 
must  go  into  mills,  mines,  shops,  and  railroad  plants  or 
become  employees  or  tenants  on  farms  owned  by  others. 
In  such  places  the  americanizing  goes  on  under  diffi- 
culties and  the  marshalling  of  many  of  the  immigrants 
in  the  army  of  trade  unionism,  on  the  one  hand,  or  that 
of  socialism  on  the  other,  becomes  natural  and  in- 
evitable. The  problem  of  democracy  thus  becomes  com- 
plicated; and  while  the  solution  of  it  would  become 
far  easier  if  our  citizenship  were  more  homogeneous,  it 
is  an  error  to  attribute  the  origin  of  the  difficulty  to  the 
races  represented  by  the  immigrants  or  the  conditions 
that  prevail  in  the  countries  from  which  they  come. 
An  economic  study  of  American  history  will  show  how 
the  problems  that  alarm  many  of  our  people  and  per- 
plex all  of  them  have  actually  arisen. 

It  is  clear  that  the  work  undertaken  by  Professors  Ely 
and  Commons  and  their  associates  enters  what  is  pos- 
sibly the  richest  of  all  comparatively  unworked  fields  of 
history  and  also  promises  to  yield  especially  large  re- 
sults in  economics.  Ten  volumes  are  none  too  much  for 
what  the  writers  aim  to  accomplish.  Collecting,  in  the 
first  place,  a  great  store  of  first-hand  materials  for  the 
industrial  history  of  America,  printing  and  rescuing 
from  destruction  the  most  valuable  part  of  it,  and  then 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION  53-65 

writing  the  history  itself,  is  a  sufficient  work  for  several 
men  for  a  considerable  number  of  years.  It  goes  with- 
out saying  that  the  writers  and  their  corps  of  fellow 
workers  are  preeminently  qualified  for  the  work  they 
have  in  hand.  Very  abundant  is  the  material  which 
their  industry  has  already  gathered  together  and  corre- 
spondingly valuable  will  be  the  narrative  which  they 
will  base  on  it.  Both  history  and  economic  theory  will 
be  largely  affected  by  this  work  and  even  practical  in- 
dustry should  go  on  somewhat  better  because  the  men 
who  control  it  will  have  more  assured  principles  for 
their  guidance.  In  particular  should  the  making  of  laws 
to  govern  the  delicate  relations  of  employers  and  em- 
ployed and  those  of  producers  and  consumers  become  a 
less  crude  and  experimental  process  than  it  now  is,  when 
it  shall  have  the  guidance  which  history  and  theory  can 
give.  Democracy  itself  will  attain  a  more  assured  suc- 
cess when  a  knowledge  of  economic  law  rather  than 
caprice  or  excited  feeling  is  at  the  basis  of  its  action. 

John  Bates  Clark. 
Columbia  University,  August,  1909. 


PLANTATION  AND  FRONTIER 

1649-1863 

Selected,  Collated,  and  Edited 
with  Introduction  by 

ULRICH  B.  PHILLIPS,  Ph.D. 

Professor  of  History  and  Political  Science, 
Tulane  University  of  Louisiana 

Volume  I 


INTRODUCTION 

In  the  study  of  industrial  society  we  are  concerned 
with  the  people  earning  their  living,  and  in  the  present 
volume  it  is  mainly  with  the  people  of  the  Old  South. 
The  South  in  politics,  the  South  at  war,  the  South  at 
play  have  been  the  subjects  of  much  good  historical  de- 
scription; but  there  is  a  dearth  of  first-hand  information 
in  regard  to  the  South  at  work. 

The  history  of  industrial  society  is  to  be  distinguished 
at  the  outset  from  the  history  of  industrial  processes. 
The  latter  is  concerned  mainly  with  machines  and  tech- 
nique, the  former  in  the  main  with  men  and  manners. 
It  is  a  phase  of  social  history.  If  made  inclusive 
enough,  the  study  of  industrial  society  may  touch  all 
phases  of  human  life;  but  its  concern  is,  primarily,  with 
the  grouping  and  activity  of  the  people  as  organized 
in  society  for  the  puff>ose  of  producing  material  goods, 
and  secondarily,  with  the  reflex  influence  of  the  work 
and  work-grouping  upon  life,  upon  philosophy,  and 
upon  the  internal  and  external  relations  of  the  society. 

This  history,  like  all  social  history,  is  in  one  great  as- 
pect the  record  of  the  adjustment  of  men  to  their  en- 
vironment. The  problem  in  America  was  that  of  Euro- 
peans, and  mostly  Englishmen,  entering  a  remote  wil- 
derness and  making  a  double  adjustment  of  themselves 
to  their  habitat  and  their  habitat  to  themselves.  The 
Indians  had  made  one  use  of  the  country;  negroes,  Ma- 
lays or  Tartars,  if  placed  in  it  and  left  to  their  own  de- 
vices, would  have  developed  characteristic  systems  of 


70  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

their  own;  and  the  Englishmen  transplanted  hither 
wrought  upon  the  land,  grouped  themselves,  established 
relations  with  the  inferior  races,  experienced  reactions 
from  their  environment,  and  developed  systems  in  ways 
which  could  hardly  have  been  spontaneous  with  people 
of  any  other  origin.  From  Anglo-American  begin- 
nings, distinctively  American  types  of  industrial  society 
have  evolved,  which  are  conspicuous  in  the  world's  his- 
tory for  their  efficiency  in  the  functions  for  which  they 
were  intended.  Relatively  free  from  the  bondage  of 
old-world  traditions,  the  people  were  able  to  experi- 
ment with  methods  of  work  and  systems  of  social  organi- 
zation, to  discard  the  less  and  retain  the  more  successful 
ones  and  remould  these  to  a  still  greater  effi- 
ciency. The  immediate  purpose  was  the  exploitation 
of  a  continent  -  the  utilization  and  enjoyment  of  its  re- 
sources. Systems  were  shaped  accordingly.  These 
characteristic  systems  differed  in  the  several  regions  of 
the  continent;  and  they  replaced  one  another  in  various 
districts,  as  the  conditions  of  life  and  prosperity  under- 
went changes.  In  some  districts  and  industries,  the  gen- 
eral problems  were  similar  to  those  prevailing  in  Eng- 
land and  Europe;  and  in  such  cases  the  systems  of  life 
tended  to  be  not  unlike  those  of  the  old  world.  These 
have  grown  more  prominent  and  more  like  those  of 
Europe  as  the  country  has  grown  older.  Other  systems 
have  been,  first  and  last,  peculiarly  American. 
^-  By  evolution  in  the  one  case  and  revolution  in  the 
other,  two  systems  in  American  industrial  society  of  the 
greatest  historical  importance  have  now  almost  wholly 
vanished.  These,  the  frontier  and  the  plantation  sys- 
tem, form  a  large  part  of  the  American  past,  from  which 
the  present  with  its  resources,  its  industrial  and  social 
constitution,  and  its  problems  has  resulted.    The  fron- 


INTRODUCTION  71 


tier  performed  its  mission  in  one  area  after  another, 
giving  place  in  each  to  a  more  complex  society  which 
grew  out  of  the  frontier  regime  and  supplanted  it.  By 
this  process  the  whole  vast  region  of  the  United  States, 
within  the  limits  where  the  rainfall  is  sufficient  for  till- 
age, has  been  reduced  to  occupation  in  a  phenomenally 
rapid  process.  The  extension  of  settlement  being  now 
ended,  the  system  has  died  from  want  of  room. 

The  plantation  system  was  evolved  to  answer  the  spe- 
cific need  of  meeting  the  world's  demand  for  certain 
staple  crops  in  the  absence  of  a  supply  of  free  labor. 
That  system,  providing  efficient  control  and  direction 
for  labor  imported  in  bondage,  met  the  obvious  needs  of 
the  case,  waxed  strong,  and  shaped  not  alone  the  indus- 
trial regime  to  fit  its  requirements,  but  also  the  social 
and  commercial  system  and  the  political  policy  of  a  vast 
section;  and  it  incidentally  trained  a  savage  race  to  a 
certain  degree  of  fitness  for  life  in  the  Anglo-Saxon 
community.  Through  the  civil  war  and  political  re- 
construction of  the  South,  accompanied  by  social  up- 
heaval, the  plantation  system  was  cut  short  in  the  midst 
of  its  career.  It  only  survives  in  a  few  fragments  and 
in  forms  greatly  changed  from  the  characteristic  type. 
Both  the  frontier  and  plantation  systems  can  now  be 
studied  in  the  main  only  in  documents. 

The  most  perfect  types  both  of  plantation  and  fron- 
tier occurred  in  the  Southern  Colonies,  including  the 
West  Indies,  and  the  subsequent  Southern  States.  A 
few  plantations  existed  north  of  Mason  and  Dixon's 
Line;  but  the  climate  and  crops  were  not  suited  to  the 
full  routine  which  typical  plantations  required.  The 
wilderness  of  the  Northwest  was  reduced  by  a  great 
body  of  frontiersmen;  but  some  of  the  features  of  the 
full  type  of  frontier  were  usually  lacking  there,  in  that 


72  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

the  United  States  army  policed  the  Indians  and  the 
popular  government  was  administered  directly  under 
the  Federal  authority.  In  the  Southwest  the  settlers  in 
general  did  their  own  fighting,  their  own  land-office 
work,  their  own  legislating,  when  any  was  done,  and 
their  own  administering  of  the  laws. 

The  South,  then,  gives  type  illustration  of  both  plan- 
tation and  frontier;  and  furthermore,  it  gives  example 
of  great  regions  in  which  one  or  the  other  of  these  sys- 
tems controlled  the  lives  and  destinies  of  the  people.  In 
^fact,  these  two  systems  dominated  the  whole  South. 
Small  farms  of  the  normal  type  existed  in  great  num- 
bers; towns,  factories  and  mines  were  not  wholly  ab- 
sent; but  in  the  several  areas,  as  a  rule,  either  the  planta- 
tion system  or  the  frontier  shaped  the  general  order  of 
life  without  serious  rival.  Hence  the  ante  bellum  South 
is  peculiarly  the  region  of  plantation  and  frontier  and 
a  study  of  those  systems  may  largely  coincide  with  a 
study  of  Southern  industrial  organization  and  society. 

To  make  the  theme  clearer  it  will  be  well  to  distin- 
guish the  types.  A  plantation  was  a  unit  in  agricultural 
industry  in  which  the  laboring  force  was  of  consider- 
able size,  the  work  was  divided  among  groups  of  la- 
borers who  worked  in  routine  under  supervision,  and 
the  primary  purpose  was  in  each  case  the  production  of 
a  special  staple  commodity  for  sale.  The  laborers  were 
generally  in  a  status  of  bondage.  Wage-earners  might 
be  employed;  but  for  the  sake  of  certainty  in  maintain- 
ing a  constant  and  even  supply  of  labor  from  season  to 
season,  indented  servants  and  negro  slaves  were  the  com- 
moner resort. 

A  farm,  then  as  now,  was  an  agricultural  unit  in 
which  the  laboring  force  was  relatively  small.  There 
was  no  sharp  distinction  between  workman  and  super- 


INTRODUCTION  73 


visor.  A  less  regular  routine  was  followed  and  the 
primary  purpose  was  divided  between  producing  com- 
modities for  market  and  commodities  for  consumption 
within  the  family.  Farmers  might  hire  help  and  might 
buy  slaves.  With  unfree  labor  as  such,  however,  they 
had  little  or  no  vital  concern.  Their  need  for  assistance 
was  in  most  cases  not  constant  but  intermittent;  and 
wage-earning  help,  which  might  be  hired  for  a  period 
and  then  discharged,  was  better  suited  to  their  needs 
than  long  term  bonded  laborers.  Frontier  industrial 
units  were  on  an  average  still  smaller,  comprising  in 
many  cases  only  a  single  person;  agriculture  was  pur- 
sued only  to  supply  necessaries,  attention  was  often  given 
mainly  to  hunting  or  Indian  trading,  and  the  individual 
or  group  was  in  many  emergencies  concerned  with  the 
protection  of  life  more  than  with  the  accumulation  of 
property.  On  a  plantation  the  workmen  were  distinctly 
of  a  laboring  class.  On  a  farm  they  were  of  the  nature 
of  help  in  the  farmer^s  own  work.  In  frontier  industry 
there  were  usually  no  employers  of  labor  at  all  and  no 
employees  of  any  sort. 

These  three  types  shaded  from  one  to  another  with 
no  distinct  line  of  differentiation,  though  the  types  at 
the  two  ends  of  the  series,  plantation  and  frontier,  were 
of  course  in  strong  contrast.  At  any  given  time,  each  of 
these  types  throve  predominantly  in  certain  areas  in 
the  South,  while  in  others  they  existed  only  in  subordi- 
nation, if  at  all.  Where  two  or  all  three  coexisted  in 
a  single  area,  the  systems  usually  competed  for  the  su- 
premacy; and  in  the  outcome  the  most  efficient  for  the 
main  purpose  at  hand  would  conquer.  The  representa- 
tives of  the  other  types  would  mostly  have  to  move  on. 
The  location  of  these  types,  therefore,  was  somewhat 
transitory.    The  great  abundance  of  land  available  and 


74  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

the  short-lived  fertility  of  the  soil,  together  with  the  pre- 
vailing wasteful  methods  of  tillage,  caused  a  great 
hunger  for  land  and,  to  satisfy  that  hunger,  a  rapid  ex- 
tension of  settlement.  Thus  arose  the  westward  move- 
ment. In  it  each  of  the  southern  types  of  industrial 
society  took  part;  and  throughout  the  whole  belt  of 
country  suitable  for  exploitation  by  these  systems  a 
running  contest  ensued  between  them. 

Space  is  not  available  to  show  the  origin  and  early 
phases  of  these  systems  and  their  contest  by  the  print- 
ing of  first-hand  materials ;  and  furthermore  the  record 
from  the  fugitive  documents  would  perhaps  be  too 
fragmentary  for  the  purpose.  The  text  of  many  docu- 
ments in  our  present  collection,  however,  will  suggest 
the  fact  that  there  was  a  never-ending  evolution  through 
the  competition  of  industrial  units  and  systems.  A  rapid 
survey  of  the  general  development  by  areas  will  give  a 
setting  to  our  several  categories  of  documents  and  will 
show  incidentally  how  much  the  economic  history  of  the 
Old  South  in  its  plantation  regions  was  made  up  of  ex- 
tensions and  repetitions  of  the  same  general  phenomena. 
The  plantation  system  had  independent  origins  in  the 
Spanish  West  Indies  and  in  English  Virginia.  In  the 
latter  case,  which  will  concern  us  first,  the  system  and 
its  name  evolved  simultaneously. 

When  Virginia  was  founded,  the  word  plantation 
had  the  meaning  of  the  modern  word  colony.  The 
Jamestown  settlement  was  the  plantation  of  the  London 
Company  in  the  sense  that  the  Company  had  founded  it 
and  exercised  jurisdiction  over  it.  But  there  was  inci- 
dentally a  closer  relation  between  the  settlement  and 
the  Company,  which  the  word  colony  does  not  connote. 
The  Company  owned  the  land ;  it  owned  the  equipment ; 
and  it  had  property  rights  in  the  labor  of  the  settlers 


INTRODUCTION  75 


whom  it  sent  over.  The  Company  provided  taskmasters ; 
it  fed  and  clothed  the  laborers  from  its  magazine;  and 
it  owned  the  produce  resulting  from  their  work.  That 
is  to  say,  early  Virginia  was  the  plantation  of  the  Lon- 
don Company  in  the  modern  sense  of  the  term  -  it  was 
an  industrial  establishment  rather  than  a  political  com- 
munity. The  next  step  in  the  development  of  Virginia 
came  when  a  decade's  experience  had  shown  the  many 
short-comings  of  the  system  of  operating  the  whole 
province  as  one  estate  and  caused  the  Company's  plan- 
tation to  be  replaced  by  smaller  industrial  units.  This 
occurred  through  the  distribution  of  land  in  severalty. 
Many  of  the  men  who  acquired  land  became  farmers 
on  a  small  scale,  tilling  their  own  fields.  Others,  whether 
individually  or  in  small  stock  companies,  secured  large 
tracts  of  land,  imported  labor  (comprising  chiefly  in- 
dentured Europeans) ,  and  continued  with  suitable  mod- 
ifications the  system  with  which  the  London  Company 
had  begun,  and  which  came  to  be  known  as  the  planta- 
tion system.  By  virtue  of  this  transition,  Virginia,  from 
being  a  mere  plantation  owned  by  the  London  Com- 
pany, became  a  colony  or  commonwealth,  comprising 
independent  farms  and  private  plantations.  The  dis- 
covery of  the  great  resource  for  profit  in  raising  to- 
bacco gave  the  spur  to  Virginia's  large-scale  industry 
and  her  territorial  expansion.  Not  only  this,  but  it 
brought  about  the  methods  of  life  which  controlled 
the  history  of  Virginia  through  the  following  centuries 
and  of  the  many  colonies  and  states  which  borrowed 
her  plantation  system. 

Settlement  quickly  spread  along  the  banks  of  the 
James  river  from  Chesapeake  Bay  to  the  head  of  navi- 
gation, where  the  city  of  Richmond  now  stands.  Plan- 
tations and  farms  dotted  the  river  shores  in  a  narrow 


76  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

tongue  of  settlement  thrust  into  the  wilderness.  For  a 
period  practically  all  the  settlers  were  tobacco  pro- 
ducers, all  were  in  close  touch  with  navigable  water 
and  the  route  to  Europe,  and  all,  so  to  speak,  rubbed 
shoulders  with  the  Indians.  Seeking  fertile  lands, 
planters  began  to  make  clearings  on  the  York  River 
about  1630  and  then  upon  the  Rappahannock  and 
Potomac.  As  decades  passed,  settlement  was  spread 
throughout  the  tide  water  stretches  of  these  parallel 
streams;  and  the  commonwealth  of  Virginia,  by  this 
broadening  of  its  area,  acquired  dimensions  conducing 
to  its  more  easy  defence  and  to  the  geographical  differ- 
entiation of  conditions  and  pursuits.  The  tide  water 
peninsulas  tended  to  be  monopolized  by  the  planters; 
the  mainland,  west  and  south,  chiefly  attracted  the  men 
of  little  property.  A  great  fall  in  tobacco  prices  at  an 
early  period  forced  the  less  efficient  producers  out  of 
that  industry,  and  nothing  was  left  them  but  self-suf- 
ficing economy.  The  fitness  of  routine  methods  for 
tobacco  raising  and  the  advantages  of  producing  and 
marketing  on  a  large  scale  gave  the  control  of  that  in- 
dustry to  the  planters.  The  farmers  soon  found  it  of  no 
advantage  to  live  within  hail  of  ocean-going  ships ;  and 
most  of  those  who  owned  tide  water  farms  sold  them 
to  neighboring  planters  and  moved  inland  where  lands 
were  cheaper  and  fresher,  and  society  might  be  moulded 
to  the  wishes  of  their  class.  Emancipated  redemptioners, 
as  they  emerged  from  servitude,  were  attracted  by  the 
industrial  opportunity  and  the  spirit  of  democracy  pre- 
vailing on  the  outskirts  of  settlement  and  tended 
strongly  to  join  the  westward  drift.  In  general,  the 
longer  settled  and  the  more  accessible  areas  grew  to 
assume  the  full  plantation  type,  while  the  newer  areas, 
with  a  simpler  organization,  served  as  a  buffer,  shelter- 


INTRODUCTION  77 


ing  the  former  from  the  dangers  and  inconveniences 
of  the  wilderness. 

As  years  passed  the  numbers  of  planters  increased, 
partly  through  the  division  of  estates  among  heirs, 
partly  through  the  rise  of  exceptional  yeomen  into 
planting  estate,  partly  by  the  immigration  of  gentlemen 
of  means  from  England.  The  growth  of  the  farming 
population  was  much  more  rapid;  for  the  planters  had 
to  serve  constantly  as  immigration  agents  in  order  to 
maintain  their  supply  of  indented  labor;  and  redemp- 
tioners  were  as  constantly  completing  their  terms  and 
becoming  yeomen,  marrying  and  multiplying.  The 
Virginia  plantation  districts,  therefore,  as  a  by-product 
provided  a  pioneering  population,  detached  from  the 
plantation  system.  These  occupied  the  "back  country" 
of  Virginia,  and  also  spread  into  eastern  and  then  into 
central  North  Carolina.  An  entirely  similar  process 
was  going  on  in  Maryland  and,  one  not  widely  dif- 
ferent, in  Pennsylvania.  This  group  of  colonies  thus 
produced  the  first  great  supply  of  people  for  the 
process  of  secondary  colonization,  which  we  know  as 
the  westward  movement.  They  continued  to  recruit  the 
pioneering  population  in  large  volume,  as  long  as  the 
system  of  indented  servitude  remained  a  chief  basis 
of  their  industry. 

By  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century,  Virginia  and 
Maryland  changed  to  the  basis  of  negro  slavery  as  their 
chief  supply  of  labor.  This  had  important  effects  upon 
the  output  of  pioneers.  The  negroes  being  preferred 
for  the  gang  labor,  the  redemptioners  of  the  eighteenth 
century  in  Virginia  tended  to  be  mostly  artisans  and 
responsible  persons.  When  achieving  freedom  they 
were  accordingly  of  a  more  capable  and  substantial 
type.    After  the  great  resort  to  slave  labor,  therefore. 


78  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

the  output  of  pioneers  from  the  plantation  districts 
diminished  in  volume  and  improved  in  quality. 

As  this  emigration  of  freedmen  from  the  plantations 
slackened,  and  as  the  farming  districts  grew  broader 
and  extended  more  remotely,  the  planting  and  farming 
districts  respectively  tended  to  lose  touch,  and  further, 
the  farming  districts  began  to  show  a  differentiation 
within  themselves.  The  older  and  nearer  portions 
tended  to  acquire  a  steady-going,  peace-loving  popu- 
lation, while  to  the  furthest  and  thinnest  edges  of 
settlement  there  were  attracted  the  more  restless  and 
venturesome.  By  these  developments,  the  frontier  in 
Maryland  and  Virginia  had  been  extended  by  1740  to 
within  perhaps  fifty  miles  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  while  the 
plantation  districts  were  still  confined  to  the  close  neigh- 
borhood of  tide  water. 

About  this  time  began  the  entrance  into  Virginia, 
through  the  then  remote  and  little  known  Shenandoah 
Valley,  of  the  great  wave  of  migration  from  Pennsyl- 
vania, made  up  mostly  of  Scotch-Irish  and  Germans. 
This  in  the  following  decades  brought  multitudinous 
recruits  to  the  farming  and  frontier  population  and 
caused  a  very  rapid  extension  of  the  occupied  area 
throughout  the  Shenandoah  and  Piedmont  Virginia, 
across  Piedmont  Carolina  to  middle  Georgia,  and  into 
the  valley  of  East  Tennessee,  and  even  across  the  Cum- 
berland Mountains  to  Kentucky  and  the  Nashville 
district. 

Meanwhile  a  new  plantation  district  was  growing 
into  great  prominence  in  the  lower  South.  This  was  in 
the  coast  region  lying  around  the  budding  city  of 
Charleston.  The  European  settlers  and  their  system  of 
industry  arrived  in  South  Carolina  by  way  of  the  West 
Indies;  and  it  is  well  for  us  to  follow  the  same  detour, 
tracing  origins  and  developments  as  we  go. 


INTRODUCTION  79 


In  the  first  place,  the  Spaniards  had  begun  at  once 
after  the  discovery  by  Columbus  to  exploit  such  wealth 
as  the  West  Indies  could  yield.  They  enslaved  the  ab- 
origines in  immense  numbers,  and  fed  them  so  little 
and  drove  them  so  hard  in  their  gold  mines  and  their 
sugar  fields  that  the  Indians  died  off  as  if  by  pestilence. 
To  replace  the  Indians,  negroes  began  about  1520  to  be 
imported  in  large  numbers  to  serve  in  the  Spanish  islands 
as  slaves.  The  development,  however,  was  not  rapid. 
As  soon  as  the  wealth  of  precious  metals  in  Mexico  and 
Peru  had  been  discovered  the  most  ardent  fortune 
seekers  hurried  to  these  new  acquisitions ;  and  the  islands 
were  left  to  unaggressive  settlers  who  in  the  main  lived 
passively  upon  the  labor  of  their  negro  slaves  in  sugar 
culture.  The  Spaniards  maintained  a  sort  of  plantation 
system;  but  by  reason  of  the  listlessness  of  its  captains, 
their  industry  stagnated.  The  resources  of  none  of  the 
islands  were  at  all  fully  utilized,  and  many  of  the  Indies 
were  left  by  them  entirely  vacant. 

Beginning  in  1641,  the  outlying  little  island  of  Bar- 
badoes  was  occupied  by  a  sudden  in-pouring  of  English- 
men, mostly  royalist  refugees  from  the  victorious  army, 
of  the  Roundheads.  Barbadoes,  measuring  only  twenty 
by  ten  miles  in  length  and  breadth,  was  quickly  crowded 
with  people,  and  its  whole  area  reduced  to  tillage  in 
small  estates.  The  sugar  industry,  however,  led  to  the 
rapid  importation  of  negro  slaves  and  to  the  enlarge- 
ment of  estates.  This  caused  much  cramping.  When 
war  began  with  Spain,  the  Barbadians  eagerly  joined 
in  an  English  expedition  and  captured  the  island  of 
Jamaica  in  1655.  Here  there  was  abundance  of  land 
for  a  large  working  population.  The  settlers  in  Bar- 
badoes had  already  borrowed  the  Spanish  method  of 
using  slave  labor  in  sugar  production :  and,  from  the 
needs  of  their  case  and  from  their  own  large  capability 


8o  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

as  industrial  managers,  they  rendered  the  plantation 
system  much  more  efficient  in  the  raising  of  cane  and 
the  making  of  sugar.  In  Jamaica  this  improved  system 
quickly  expanded  and  caused  the  growth  of  very  large 
and  very  productive  plantations.  The  average  unit  of 
industry  in  the  Jamaican  sugar  fields  came  to  be  a  plan- 
tation w^ith  a  total  of  nearly  two  hundred  negroes,  of 
whom  more  than  half  were  workers  in  the  field  gangs. 
The  laborers  were  strictly  classified  and  worked  in 
squads  under  close  and  energetic  supervision  to  near  the 
maximum  of  their  muscular  ability.  The  routine  was 
thoroughly  systematic,  and  the  system  as  efficient  on  the 
whole  as  could  well  be,  where  the  directors  were  so  few 
and  the  negroes  so  many  and  so  little  removed  from  the 
state  of  African  savagery.  The  Jamaican  units  on  the 
average  were  the  largest  in  all  the  history  of  plantation 
industry.  The  disproportion  of  the  races  was  greater 
than  in  any  other  Anglo-American  colony  or  common- 
wealth, and  the  association  of  master  and  slave  was  the 
slightest.  The  huge  demand  for  negroes  in  Jamaica 
prevented  the  rise  of  opportunity  for  any  great  number 
of  white  men.  The  demand  for  overseers  was  limited 
by  the  number  of  plantations;  and  the  opportunity  for 
white  mechanics,  merchants,  and  laborers  was  not  large. 
The  acquisition  of  Jamaica  did  not  wholly  relieve 
the  congestion  in  Barbadoes.  The  Barbadian,  John  Col- 
leton, soon  turned  the  attention  of  some  of  his  associates 
to  the  continental  coast  as  a  further  opportunity  for  ex- 
pansion. Under  a  charter  of  1663  for  Carolina,  a  band 
of  Barbadians  and  Englishmen  planted  the  town  of 
Charleston  in  1670.  Ignorant  of  the  local  resources,  they 
found  little  of  a  profitable  character  to  do.  Trading 
with  the  Indians  and  exporting  a  small  volume  of  naval 
stores,  the  settlement  followed  a  self-sufficing  economy 


INTRODUCTION  8i 


on  a  petty  scale  and  languished,  until  the  resource  of 
rice  production  was  discovered  in  1694.  Following  this, 
there  was  a  rapid  importation  of  negro  slaves  and  a 
rapid  extension  of  settlement  along  the  fertile  strips  of 
land  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  water-broken  coast. 
South  Carolina  became  highly  prosperous,  and  spent 
most  of  her  earnings  in  the  purchase  of  more  slaves  to 
raise  more  rice.  The  addition  of  indigo  as  a  supple- 
mentary staple,  about  1745,  doubled  the  resources  and 
intensified  the  system.  The  typical  estate  came  to  be  a 
plantation  with  about  thirty  working  hands,  cultivating 
rice  in  the  swampy  lands  and  indigo  in  the  drier  fields, 
in  a  steady  routine  which  lasted  nearly  the  whole  year 
through.  The  nature  of  the  climate  and  the  work  to  be 
done  precluded,  as  in  Jamaica,  the  use  of  any  but  negro 
labor  in  the  gangs.  The  prevalence  of  malaria  in  the 
hot  months  caused  most  of  the  planters  to  abandon  their 
estates  for  much  of  the  year  to  the  care  of  overseers  and 
foremen.  In  contrast  with  this,  the  usual  type  of  estate 
in  the  Virginia  plantation  districts  had  only  five  or  ten 
working  hands,  of  whom  part  were  likely  to  be  white 
redemptioners ;  and  the  master  and  his  family  were 
usually  on  the  estate  the  year  round.  The  periodical  ab- 
senteeism in  the  rice  district,  together  with  the  rela- 
tively large  size  of  the  industrial  units,  brought  about  a 
status  of  race  relations  more  similar  to  that  of  Jamaica 
than  to  that  of  Virginia,  where  the  negro  servants  had 
gradually  replaced  the  white  ones  and  were  often  in 
close  touch  with  their  masters'  families. 

In  Georgia,  the  rulers  of  the  colony  tried  hard  to 
keep  out  slave  labor;  but  about  1750  had  to  yield  to  the 
inevitable.  Thereafter  the  sea-island  district  of  Georgia 
tended  to  assume  the  same  complexion  as  that  which  the 
South  Carolina  lowlands  had  acquired. 


82  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

The  rice  and  indigo  district,  unlike  the  Virginia- 
Maryland  region,  developed  town  life  as  well  as  rural. 
Charleston,  and  on  a  much  smaller  scale  Savannah, 
were  centers  of  commerce  and  society.  These  towns 
developed  some  interesting  relations  between  slave,  free 
negro,  and  white  labor,  which  some  of  our  documents 
will  indicate.  The  Charleston-Savannah  district,  em- 
ploying very  few  indented  servants  and  attracting  very 
few  independent  white  laborers,  furnished  only  a  small 
number  of  farmers  or  frontiersmen.  Industrial  society 
was  not  upon  a  basis  to  produce  pioneers.  Furthermore, 
no  gateway  was  at  hand  leading  to  the  continent's  in- 
terior. The  great  sandy  tract  which  covers  most  of  the 
coastal  plain  from  southern  Virginia  to  Texas,  pine- 
grown  and  barren  of  resources  for  the  men  of  the 
period,  was  widest  in  South  Carolina  and  Georgia.  To 
reach  the  country  of  rolling  hills,  hard  wood  timber  and 
clay  soil,  the  men  from  Charleston  and  Savannah  would 
have  to  journey  across  a  hundred  and  fifty  miles  of  the 
vacant  and  forbidding  pine-barrens.  Access  to  the 
Carolina-Georgia  piedmont  from  the  northeastward 
was  much  easier  for  pioneers,  because  the  route  lay 
through  resourceful  country,  uniform  and  familiar  in 
character,  and  already  in  part  occupied.  The  tide  of 
migration  from  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  had  reached 
the  piedmont  of  South  Carolina  before  any  people  from 
the  coast  had  begun  to  cross  the  great  belt  of  pine- 
barrens  which  shut  them  in.  Thereafter  there  was  but 
a  thin  stream  from  Charleston  to  join  the  tide  from  the 
northward.  In  the  South  Carolina-Georgia  coast  dis- 
trict there  was  little  opportunity  for  small  farmers,  and 
much  for  capable  planters  with  their  gangs.  Farmers, 
therefore,  had  little  occasion  to  enter  the  district,  and 
planters  in  the  eighteenth  century  no  occasion  to  leave 


INTRODUCTION  83 


it.  This  region,  accordingly,  grew  to  be  one  of  those 
most  thoroughly  dominated  by  the  plantation  system; 
and  it  came  to  be  less  in  touch  than  any  other  on  the 
continent  with  the  needs  and  policy  of  the  farming  dis- 
tricts and  the  frontier. 

The  result  of  colonial  developments  may  be  pictured 
in  a  view  of  conditions  prevailing  on  the  eve  of  the  war 
for  independence : 

I  The  Chesapeake  lowlands  and  the  eastern  part  of 
the  neighboring  hill  country  were  the  seat  of  the  tobacco 
industry,  then  yielding  what  was  still  the  most  im- 
portant staple  on  the  continent.  By  far  the  most  of  the 
output  was  produced  in  the  plantation  system  and  by 
far  the  most  of  the  laborers  were  negro  slaves.  The 
units  of  plantation  industry  were  relatively  small, 
ranging  usually  below  twenty  and  often  below  ten  field 
hands  to  the  plantation.  There  was  a  large  number, 
also,  of  free  farmers  and  an  appreciable  number  of  in- 
dented servants,  especially  in  Maryland.  The  lands  in 
the  older  parts  of  the  districts  were  by  this  time  largely 
exhausted  and  industry  somewhat  depressed.  Eastern 
Virginia  on  the  whole  had  begun  to  pass  the  zenith  of 
her  prosperity.  The  tobacco  staple  was  a  resource  of 
decreasing  value,  and  many  people  were  finding  it 
necessary  to  resort  instead  to  the  production  of  food- 
stuffs for  market.  A  readjustment  was  beginning,  which 
involved  the  decline  of  the  plantation  system  in  that 
district.  There  was  a  striking  dearth  of  towns  and  of 
manufacturing.  The  trade  of  most  planters  with  Lon- 
don was  inconveniently  remote.  The  towns  of  Balti- 
more, Annapolis,  Norfolk  and  Richmond  were  rising 
to  some  little  consequence;  but  the  Virginia-Maryland 
community  on  the  whole  was  overwhelmingly  rural. 
Across  the  North  Carolina  boundary,  the  district  about 


84  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

Albemarle  Sound  was  merely  a  subprovince  of  the 
Chesapeake  region.  By  this  time  it  had  received  some 
slaveholding  immigrants  from  Virginia,  and  thus 
added  to  its  small-farming  population  a  certain  number 
of  tobacco  planters. 

2  The  Shenandoah  Valley  and  most  of  the  pied- 
mont country  from  Maryland  to  eastern  Georgia  was 
now  occupied  by  a  large  but  thinly  scattered  population 
of  backwoods  farmers,  whose  area  of  occupation 
touched  the  plantation  district  in  Virginia,  but  was 
widely  separated  from  it  in  the  Carolinas  and  Georgia 
by  the  intervening  pine-barrens.  The  western  portions 
of  these  settlements  were  much  of  the  frontier  com- 
plexion. The  main  advance  guard  of  the  pioneers, 
however,  had  now  reached  the  "western  waters"  in 
what  we  now  call  East  Tennessee,  and  the  most  adven- 
turous of  them  had  recently  crossed  the  barrier  of  the 
Cumberland  range  and  staked  out  claims  in  central 
Kentucky  and  the  Nashville  district. 

3  The  South  Carolina-Georgia  lowlands  were  a 
segregated  area  occupied  by  plantations  of  a  large  aver- 
age size,  and  with  but  few  nonslaveholding  farmers. 
Most  of  the  unattached  working  men  who  by  chance 
entered  this  district  either  took  employment  in  the  com- 
mercial towns  or  pushed  across  the  pine-barrens  to  join 
the  backwoodsmen  of  the  Piedmont. 

4  St.  Augustine,  Pensacola,  Mobile,  Biloxi,  New 
Orleans,  Natchez,  etc.,  in  the  provinces  of  Florida  and 
Louisiana,  both  at  this  time  held  by  Spain,  were  either 
feeble  garrisons  or  trifling  posts  for  the  Indian  trade. 
No  considerable  agriculture  had  been  developed  except 
in  a  few  clearings  upon  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi; 
and  even  in  them  industry  languished.  The  industrial 
future  of  the  country  was  clearly  in  the  hands  of  the 


INTRODUCTION  85 


Anglo-Americans;  and  the  Gulf  region  awaited  their 
coming. 

The  war  for  independence  brought,  of  course,  a  se- 
vere economic  depression;  and  this  caused  some  geo- 
graphical and  industrial  readjustment.  Eastern  Vir- 
ginia suffered  a  large  emigration  of  its  planters,  many 
of  whom  removed  only  to  the  adjacent  Piedmont;  but 
some  were  bold  enough  to  make  the  long  journey  to 
Kentucky  with  their  slaves  to  exploit  the  newly  famed 
tobacco  lands  there.  Others  enquired  for  openings  in 
Georgia  and  Florida,  and  only  awaited  favorable  re- 
ports thence  to  migrate  southward.  The  planters  in  the 
rice  district  were  also  depressed  for  the  time,  because 
the  withdrawal  of  the  British  bounty  on  indigo  had 
ended  their  profits  from  that  staple.  As  for  the  Pied- 
mont, the  number  of  farms  was  gradually  being  in- 
creased; and  so  also  in  east  and  middle  Tennessee. 

The  depression  of  the  planting  industry  lasted  only 
until  the  resort  to  the  new  staple  of  cotton.  Sea-island 
cotton  was  made  available  in  1786,  and  upland  cotton 
by  the  invention  of  Whitney's  gin  in  1793.  The  former 
revived  the  prosperity  of  the  rice  coast;  the  latter  had 
tremendous  results  in  revolutionizing  the  economy  and 
the  social  constitution  of  the  Carolina  and  Georgia 
Piedmont  and  developing  the  country  westward  as  far 
as  Texas  and  north  to  the  southwestern  point  of  Ken- 
tucky. Slaveholders  from  all  of  the  older  plantation 
districts  now  began  to  pour  into  the  Carolina  and  Geor- 
gia upland.  Very  many  of  the  farmers  in  that  region 
at  the  same  time  advanced  to  the  status  of  planters 
through  the  devotion  of  their  earnings  from  high-priced 
cotton  to  the  purchase  of  slaves. 

In  this  newly  developing  cotton  belt  a  pell-mell 
regime  prevailed.    In  a  scrambling  scattered  mass  of 


86  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

many  sorts  of  people,  planters,  slaves,  farmers,  poor 
whites,  and  frontiersmen  nearly  all  were  concerned 
with  getting  cotton  lands.  The  Creeks  and  Cherokees 
resisted  the  pressure  upon  their  hunting  grounds;  and 
there  was  accordingly  a  mixture  of  plantation  and  fron- 
tier regimes  in  middle  Georgia,  as  also  afterward  in  Al- 
abama and  Mississippi.  The  passage  of  years  witnessed 
a  systematizing  process  in  the  cotton  belt,  and  in  some 
measure  a  segregating  process  which  put  the  planters 
in  control  of  most  of  the  fertile  and  accessible  areas. 

Meanwhile  it  had  been  discovered  in  Louisiana  in 
1794,  that  sugar  could  be  produced  there  with  success; 
and  a  development  of  sugar  plantations  on  a  consider- 
able scale  had  begun  in  the  brief  remaining  period  of 
the  Spanish  and  French  dominations.  The  arrival  of 
the  American  regime  in  the  sugar  district  of  Louisiana 
had  much  the  same  stimulating  and  systematizing  effect 
as  that  which,  as  we  have  noted,  followed  the  English 
capture  of  Jamaica.  Large  and  thoroughly  organized 
plantations  became  the  characteristic  feature.  The 
sugar  district  was  confined  by  climatic  limitations  to 
the  southern  part  of  the  present  state  of  Louisiana. 
Soon  after  the  Louisiana  Purchase,  it  became  known 
that  the  alluvial  lands  north  of  the  sugar  district  could 
be  used  for  short-staple  cotton.  The  bottoms  were  rela- 
tively slow,  however,  in  acquiring  a  good  reputation 
except  for  sugar  production.  The  Georgia  and  Caro- 
lina midlands  were  for  a  period  in  more  active  de- 
mand. 

The  War  of  18 12  brought  another  economic  crisis, 
which  again  hastened  the  developments  already  in 
progress.  Eastern  Virginia  and  Maryland  were  further 
depopulated,  and  the  Virginia  Piedmont  also  supplied 
emigrants.    The  high  cotton  prices  which  came  with 


INTRODUCTION  87 


the  return  of  peace  brought  a  new  influx  from  these 
districts,  and  also  from  the  Carolina  coast,  into  the  cot- 
ton belt.  The  defeat  of  the  Creeks  in  war  by  Andrew 
Jackson  had  meanwhile  forced  a  cession  of  a  large  part 
of  Alabama;  and  within  the  next  two  decades  the 
Southern  Indians  were  obliged  to  give  up  all  their  re- 
maining lands  east  of  the  Mississippi.  Thereby  a  large 
territory  was  rapidly  opened  to  receive  the  spread  of 
settlement.  The  result  was  a  thin  occupation  at  the  ou^ 
set,  in  a  wildly  speculative  regime,  followed  by  a  sober- 
ing process,  in  which  a  heavy  fall  in  cotton  prices 
assisted.  The  lowlands  upon  the  Mississippi  River, 
ofifering  the  attraction  of  inexhaustibly  fertile  soil,  be- 
came a  district  of  specially  large  slaveholdings,  whether 
for  cotton  or  sugar  production,  and  specially  subject  to 
spasms  of  inflation  and  depression.  In  the  same  period 
the  population  was  being  increased  in  Kentucky  and 
middle  Tennessee  in  more  sedate  fashion,  as  well  as  in 
the  territory  north  of  the  Ohio  River.  Florida,  also^ 
received  some  immigration  after  its  purchase  in  18 19; 
but  Florida  lay  without  the  cotton  belt  proper  and  suf- 
fered a  relative  neglect.  The  only  great  extension  of 
the  plantation  area  remaining  to  be  mentioned  was  that 
into  Texas.  The  attractions  of  that  region  were  the 
prairies  for  cattle  and  the  river  lands  for  cotton.  The 
process  of  occupation,  from  the  industrial  point  of 
view,  was  not  widely  different  from  that  of  other  new 
districts  in  the  cotton  belt,  except  that  the  farms  and 
plantations  were  more  sparsely  distributed  and  industry 
was  somewhat  more  diversified,  and  the  proportion  of 
negro  laborers  smaller  than  in  the  other  cases.  The 
occupation  of  Arkansas  and  West  Tennessee  was  merely 
an  extension  of  the  movement  into  the  Mississippi  cot- 
ton region.    Rough  conditions  prevailed  for  a  period; 


88  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

but  industry  in  sober  routine  was  not  slow  in  replacing 
the  regime  of  legal  and  social  chaos.  The  settlement  of 
Missouri  was  marked  by  an  effort  to  extend  the  planta- 
tion system  into  a  region  not  suited  to  the  staples.  A 
considerable  number  of  slaves  were  carried  thither;  but 
they  were  found  relatively  unprofitable  as  laborers ;  and 
as  years  passed  their  number  tended  to  diminish  through 
sales  to  the  cotton  belt. 

A  factor  which  strongly  marked  off  the  later  period 
in  the  Old  South's  history  and  exerted  great  influence 
upon  its  industrial  constitution  was  the  closing  of  the 
foreign  slave  trade  by  the  congressional  act  of  1808. 
Thereafter  the  tobacco  and  rice  districts  had  a  corner 
on  the  supply  of  slave  labor  which  the  cotton  belt  was 
demanding;  slave  prices  entered  upon  a  great  rise  and 
became  subject  to  wild  fluctuations ;  the  industrial  units 
and  the  several  plantation  districts  competed  strenu- 
ously for  the  possession  of  the  available  slaves ;  industry 
reached  very  much  a  speculative  basis;  crises  of  great 
severity  became  periodical;  and  the  stress  of  the  times 
quickened  migration  and  hastened  the  segregation  of 
types.  Under  these  stimuli,  the  people  of  the  South  had 
gotten  fairly  acquainted  with  the  qualities  and  relative 
advantages  of  every  part  of  their  country,  by  1850  or 
i860,  and  in  each  area  had  to  a  large  degree  developed 
that  distinctive  industrial  system  which,  under  the  gen- 
eral circumstances  of  their  legal  system  and  their  labor 
supply,  served  best  to  utilize  local  opportunities. 

A  survey  on  the  eve  of  the  War  of  Secession  will 
show  the  conditions  of  industrial  society  as  follows : 

Tide  water  Virginia  and  the  greater  part  of  Mary- 
land had  long  been  exhausted  for  plantation  purposes 
and  were  being  reclaimed  by  farmers  working  with 
much  the  same  methods  as  were  followed  in  the  north- 


INTRODUCTION  89 


ern  states.  The  large  land-  and  slave-owners  mostly 
followed  an  example  which  George  Washington  had 
set  and  divided  up  their  estates  into  small  units  in  each 
of  which  a  few  negroes  worked  in  the  raising  of  varied 
crops  under  the  control  of  a  white  man  who  was  more 
a  foreman  leading  the  squad  than  an  overseer  driving 
it.  Planters,  who  adhered  to  the  old  methods,  were  now 
of  decayed  estate,  supported  more  by  the  sale  of  slaves 
than  by  the  raising  of  tobacco.  Incidentally,  eastern 
Virginia  and  Maryland  had  come  to  have  a  very  large 
number  of  free  negroes. 

The  Piedmont  in  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas  had  also 
reached  a  stage  of  some  exhaustion  and  depopulation. 
The  great  liability  of  the  hillsides  to  the  washing  away 
of  their  soil  made  the  preservation  of  fertility  pecul- 
iarly difficult  in  this  rolling  country,  while  the  planta- 
tion system  as  generally  administered  was  notorious  for 
its  carelessness  of  tillage. 

The  Charleston-Savannah  district  was  moderately 
prosperous  with  its  rice  and  sea-island  cotton;  and  still 
excluded  all  small  farmers  except  the  poor  whites,  who 
were  too  low  in  the  scale  of  industry  and  comfort  to  feel 
any  effects  of  competition.  The  pine-barrens,  includ- 
ing most  of  Florida,  were  vacant  of  people  except  for  a 
thin  sprinkling  of  farmers  who  tended  more  or  less  to- 
ward the  poor  white  status. 

The  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  uplands  were  a 
fairly  prosperous  region  dominated  by  planters  but 
with  a  large  portion  of  each  neighborhood  owned  and 
cultivated  by  small  farmers.  The  Alabama  black  lands, 
running  across  the  State  in  a  belt  just  below  Montgom- 
ery and  thence  up  the  Tombigbee  Valley,  together  with 
the  Mississippi  and  Red  River  bottoms  and  a  portion  of 
Texas,  formed  the  western  cotton  belt,  which  for  four 


90  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

decades  had  been  buying  all  the  spare  negroes  from 
every  other  part  of  the  South  and  smuggling  in  some 
from  abroad  to  help  in  meeting  its  demand.  The  cotton 
estates  in  the  alluvial  districts  tended  to  have  larger 
gangs  than  those  elsewhere;  but  of  course  the  greatest 
industrial  units  of  all  were  the  sugar  estates,  where  the 
need  of  the  large  economies  incident  to  the  operation 
of  a  sugar  mill  on  each  plantation  discouraged  all  small 
or  medium-sized  units  from  attempting  to  compete.  It 
must  be  observed,  however,  that  all  the  western  cotton 
belt  and  the  sugar  district  was  interspersed  more  or  less 
with  barren  or  remote  tracts  where  poor  whites  or  other 
small  farmers  might  live  undisturbed  by  ofifers  of  tempt- 
ing prices  for  their  lands. 

Kentucky  and  middle  Tennessee  were  a  region  of 
diversified  industry,  producing  grain  and  live  stock,  to- 
bacco, some  cotton,  and  in  one  district  a  large  output  of 
hemp.  Manufacturing,  too,  reached  appreciable  di- 
mensions. Some  of  the  agriculture  permitted  the  plan- 
tation system;  some  did  not.  Much  of  the  region  had 
a  considerable  minority  of  negroes  in  its  population, 
but  very  few  localities  had  a  majority  of  them. 

In  the  Shenandoah  Valley,  northern  models  of  farm- 
ing were  followed,  producing  large  crops  of  grain,  hay, 
fruit,  etc.  Attempts  by  eastern  Virginians  had  been 
made  to  establish  plantations  in  the  Shenandoah,  but 
only  to  fail.  Slaves  were  sprinkled  in  the  population 
but  served  only  as  help,  not  as  gang  labor.  East  Ten- 
nessee was  practically  a  duplicate  of  the  Shenandoah 
in  its  industrial  society.  It  had  long  been  shut  out  by 
the  mountains  from  any  access  to  markets  for  its  prod- 
uce; but  the  building  of  railway  connection  to  the  cot- 
ton belt  brought  a  long  delayed  wave  of  prosperity.  It 
of  course  produced  none  of  the  southern  staples;  it  had 
no  slaves  to  speak  of,  and  no  plantations. 


INTRODUCTION  91 


As  for  the  people  living  in  the  midst  of  the  moun- 
tains, in  West  Virginia,  Kentucky,  western  North  Car- 
olina, etc.,  they  were  so  completely  isolated,  self-suf- 
ficing and  unprogressive  as  to  have  practically  no 
influence  upon  the  rest  of  the  South  and  little  develop- 
ment of  their  own. 

The  succession  of  stages  and  systems  which  we  have 
observed  in  this  outline  of  the  development  in  the  sev- 
eral areas  on  the  continent  was  largely  analogous  to  that 
which  other  students  have  described  among  the  West 
India  Islands.  Merivale,^  for  example,  has  written  in 
substance  as  follows  on  the  remarkable  repetition  of  in- 
dustrial history  in  the  West  Indies :  The  same  causes, 
operating  in  one  island  after  another,  produce  the  same 
effects.  The  opening  of  a  fresh  soil,  with  freedom  of 
trade,  gives  sudden  stimulus  to  settlement  and  industry; 
the  land  is  covered  with  free  proprietors,  and  a  general 
but  rude  prosperity  prevails.  Then  follows  a  period  of 
more  careful  cultivation,  during  which  estates  are  con- 
solidated, gangs  of  slaves  succeed  to  communities  of 
freemen,  the  rough  commonwealth  is  transformed  into 
a  most  productive  factory.  But  fertility  diminishes; 
the  cost  of  production  augments;  slave  labor,  always 
dear,  becomes  dearer  through  the  increased  expense  of 
supporting  it.  At  this  stage,  new  islands  are  occupied, 
and  fresh  sources  of  production  opened;  the  older  colo- 
nies, meeting  thus  a  ruinous  competition,  descend  after 
a  period  of  difficulty  and  suffering  into  a  secondary 
state,  in  which  capital,  economy,  and  increased  skill 
make  up  in  part  only  for  the  advantages  which  have 
been  lost.  Thus,  the  Windward  Islands  first  supplied 
almost  all  the  then  limited  consumption  of  sugar  and 
coffee  in  Europe ;  Jamaica  rose  on  their  decay,  and  went 
through  precisely  the  same  stages  of  existence;   San 

'^Lectures  on  Colonization  and  Colonies  (London,  1841),  92,  93.- Ed. 


92  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

Domingo  in  turn  greatly  eclipsed  Jamaica,  but  was 
overwhelmed  by  the  great  negro  insurrection,  and  never 
reached  the  period  of  decline.  Lastly  the  Spanish  Col- 
onies of  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico,  after  centuries  of  com- 
parative neglect,  started  all  at  once  into  the  front  rank 
of  exporting  islands,  while  the  British  planters,  with 
the  aid  of  their  accumulated  capital,  were  struggling 
against  encroaching  decay.  The  parallel  of  the  history 
of  the  islands  with  that  of  the  staple  areas  on  the  main- 
land is  remarkably  close,  and  is  useful  in  confirming 
the  views  we  have  reached  of  the  nature,  influence  and 
history  of  the  plantation  system. 

Our  outline  of  the  history  of  southern  industrial  so- 
ciety suffices  to  show  the  striking  repetition  of  process 
and  to  indicate  the  dififerentiation  of  types,  area  by  area. 
It  demonstrates  that  documents  to  illustrate  either  the 
frontier  or  the  plantation  regime  can  be  chosen  indiffer- 
ently from  numerous  areas,  provided  that  a  due  regard 
be  had  to  the  periods  of  time  and  stages  of  development 
within  which  the  writings  respectively  may  fall. 
/"''  Within  the  several  plantation  districts,  the  systems  of 
labor  were  determined  largely  by  the  requirements  of 
the  staples.  The  size  of  the  units  was  controlled  in 
large  measure  by  the  degree  of  fitness  of  the  soil  and 
the  staple  for  full  routine  in  simple  tasks.  Sugar  cane 
offered  the  best  opportunity  for  plantations  of  great 
size,  because  no  delicate  work  was  required  and  there 
was  employment  throughout  the  year  for  crude  muscu- 
lar force  with  a  minimum  of  intelligence  and  pains- 
taking. The  rice  crop  was  next  in  the  order  of  these 
qualifications.  Indigo  was  so  delicate  a  plant  and 
needed  so  much  care  in  preparing  the  product  that  ne- 
gro labor  was  poorly  suited  for  the  work.  Cotton  had 
the  disadvantage  of  needing  delicate  handling  at  some 


INTRODUCTION  93 


seasons;  but  it  had  the  great  staple  virtue  of  keeping 
the  laborers  busy  nearly  all  the  year  in  a  steady  routine. 
No  time  of  fair  weather  at  any  season  need  be  lost  in 
that  idleness  and  unremunerative  work  which  it  was 
the  planter's  chief  business  to  guard  against.  In  to- 
bacco, the  routine  season  was  shorter  and  the  need  of 
painstaking  greater;  and  tobacco  accordingly  was  aban- 
doned by  many  planters  who  turned  in  preference  to 
cotton  or  sugar.  The  cultivation  of  corn  and  wheat  as 
main  crops  gave  such  long  rest  seasons,  necessary  to  fill 
by  job  work  in  by-industries,  that  no  slaveowning 
planter  could  well  compete  in  their  production  for  the 
market.  Small  farms  abounded  in  the  several  southern 
districts  in  inverse  proportion  to  the  fitness  of  their  soil 
and  their  staple  for  full  routine  with  crude  labor.  For 
example,  the  deep  and  durable  soils  of  the  Mississippi 
bottoms  were  more  conducive  to  the  use  of  large  gangs 
in  cotton  raising  than  were  the  rolling  lands  of  the  Car- 
olina Piedmont  which  had  only  a  surface  fertility.  In 
the  Piedmont  there  was  frequent  need  of  clearing  new 
fields  in  a  process  which  disturbed  the  routine;  and  the 
uneven  character  of  the  land  promoted  a  scattering  of 
fields,  which  wasted  the  time  of  the  gangs  in  going  to 
and  coming  from  work  and  made  effective  supervision 
more  difficult.  Farmers  could  there  compete  in  pro- 
ducing the  staple  with  less  disadvantage  than  in  the  al- 
luvial lands,  and  small  planters  could  hold  their  own 
against  the  great  ones.  The  piedmont  plantations  on 
the  whole  were  accordingly  smaller  on  the  average  and 
less  formal  in  system  than  those  in  the  several  lowland 
districts.  That  contrasts  existed  among  the  numerous 
frontier  areas  and  types  is  obvious.  The  variations  were 
too  many  and  complex  to  permit  of  discussion  here. 
To  make  fuller  the  portrayal  of  southern  industrial 


94  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

society,  we  include  in  the  volume  a  selection  of  docu- 
ments on  mining,  manufacturing,  handicrafts,  wage- 
earning  labor  in  general,  mechanics'  societies,  town  reg- 
ulations, etc.  With  a  partial  exception  as  regards  the 
yeoman  class,  the  collection  may  thus  stand  as  fairly 
illustrative  of  the  whole  regime  in  the  English  Southern 
Colonies  and  the  Southern  States. 

■^  The  temper  and  philosophy  of  the  people  were 
formed  chiefly  by  the  combined  and  interacting  in- 
fluence of  the  frontier  and  plantation  systems.  The 
frontier  had  a  lasting  influence  only  in  its  giving  a 
stamp  of  self  reliance  and  aggressiveness  to  the  char- 
acter of  men.  The  frontier  influence  was  the  more 
widely  extended ;  for  it  affected  nearly  all  the  country. 
North  and  South.  The  influence  of  the  plantation  sys- 
tem and  problems  was  more  local  and  more  lasting. 
The  system  gave  a  tone  of  authority  and  paternalism  to 
the  master  class,  and  of  obedience  to  the  servants.  The 
plantation  problems,  further,  affected  the  whole  com- 
munity; for  after  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  centur}" 
the  plantation  problem  was  mainly  the  negro  problem, 
and  that  was  of  vital  concern  to  all  members  of  both 
races  in  all  districts  where  the  negroes  were  numerous. 
The  wilderness  and  the  Indians  were  transient;  the 
staples  and  the  negroes  were  permanent,  and  their  influ- 
ence upon  the  prevailing  philosophy  became  intensified 
with  the  lapse  of  years.  It  eventually  overshadowed  the 
whole  South,  and  forced  the  great  mass  of  the  people 
to  subordinate  all  other  considerations  to  policies  in  this 
one  relation.  Some  of  our  documents  will  show  the 
nature  and  intensity  of  this  influence. 

In  preparing  this  collection  of  documents  the  policy 
has  been  as  far  as  possible  to  use  material  combining 


INTRODUCTION  95 


three  qualities  in  each  instance,  rareness,  unconscious-  /" 
ness,  and  faithful  illustration.  The  purpose  is  to  show] 
the  most  saliently  characteristic  features  of  southern 
industrial  society,  through  the  writings  not  only  of  con- 
temporaries, but  preferably  of  actual  participators  who 
wrote  with  no  expectation  that  what  they  wrote  would 
be  published.  Every  experienced  student  will  appreci-  '' 
ate  the  value  of  "unconsciousness"  in  a  document.  Its 
writer  is  in  general  more  likely  to  be  simple  and  faithful 
to  facts  and  conditions,  which  he  incidentally  mentions, 
than  if  he  had  written  with  a  purpose  of  publishing 
on  the  subject.  Since  the  aim  of  the  work  is  to  contrib- 
ute to  knowledge,  rareness  in  the  documents  has  been 
at  a  premium  in  the  selection.  But  the  faithfulness  of 
illustration  is  of  course  the  main  consideration.  A  per- 
fect combination  of  these  three  qualities  in  documents 
dealing  with  all  the  salient  features  could  not  be  hoped 
for.  Some  of  the  most  eloquent  material  is  already  in 
widely  accessible  print;  some  of  the  most  faithful  de- 
scriptions were  made  with  the  conscious  purpose  of  por- 
trayal; and  some  of  the  rarest  and  most  illuminating 
documents  are  descriptive  rather  of  the  exceptional 
than  of  the  average  in  the  types  under  consideration. 
Where  sacrifice  of  one  element  or  another  has  been  nec- 
essary, the  considerations  of  faithfulness  and  illumina- 
tion have  been  held  paramount.  In  some  cases  docu- 
ments already  well  known  to  students  are  used,  but  on 
the  whole  the  editor  has  been  unusually  fortunate  in 
finding  rare  and  hidden  materials  of  the  sort  which  he 
has  been  seeking.  His  success  here  is  largely  a  conse- 
quence of  the  unworked  nature  of  the  field. 

In  securing  accuracy  of  reproduction,  great  care  has 
been  exercised.  In  some  cases  the  verification  of  copies 
has  been  impracticable;  but  reasonable  assurance  is 


96  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

fully  justified  that  no  serious  errors  have  crept  in. 
The  source  of  the  document  and  its  present  location, 
if  in  manuscript,  are  indicated  in  each  instance.  No 
conscious  departure  from  the  text  of  the  original  has 
been  made,  except  in  two  cases  where  abstracts  are  pre- 
sented instead  of  the  language  of  the  documents. 
These  instances  are  the  record  of  slave  trials  in  Baldwin 
county,  Georgia,  and  the  record  of  the  regulation  of 
negroes  by  the  town  corporation  of  Milledgeville.  In 
preparing  a  report  on  Georgia  local  archives  some  years 
ago,  the  present  editor  made  full  abstracts  of  these  rec- 
ords. To  secure  verbatim  copies  has  not  since  been 
practicable.  The  material  is  excellently  illustrative, 
and  nothing  like  it  is  available  for  our  purpose.  Hence 
the  exception  in  its  favor. 

It  has  been  an  aspiration  to  present  through  the  docu- 
ments a  reasonably  full  view  of  southern  industrial  so- 
ciety. Perfect  accomplishment  in  this  could  not  be 
hoped  for.  The  mosaic  will  not  fit  the  pattern,  and  the 
bits  can  be  but  very  lightly  trimmed.  The  crude  natu- 
ralness of  the  material  is  too  precious  to  permit  its  sub- 
ordination to  any  mechanical  outline. 

The  portrayal  of  the  regime  by  the  documents  is  nec- 
essarily uneven.  Some  features  are  much  better  treated 
than  others  in  the  documents  which  have  been  found. 
Some  items  are  thus  overemphasized  and  some  neg- 
lected.    Part  of  this  lack  of  balance  has  been  inten- 

I  tional.  Important  features  of  the  regime,  which  are 
widely  and  truly  understood  already,  may  here  need 

■little  demonstration.  Other  features,  perhaps  of  minor 
importance,  have  been  forgotten  by  the  world  and 
knowledge  of  them  is  here  revived.  In  such  cases  it 
is  thought  well  to  publish  the  data  more  fully,  for  the 
sake  of  both  description  and  proof.    An  example  is  the 


INTRODUCTION  97 


group  of  documents  evidencing  that  some  free  persons 
of  color  voluntarily  enslaved  themselves.  Another 
case,  somewhat  in  the  same  class,  is  the  material  on  the 
industrial  phase  of  the  settlement  of  Texas.  All  the 
histories  of  Texas  are  curiously  wanting  in  this  regard; 
and  space  has  here  been  taken  from  other  topics  to  sup- 
ply some  of  the  sources.  On  the  subject  of  small  farms, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  reader  must  keep  in  mind  that 
there  is  a  hiatus  in  the  documents;  the  farms  were  an 
important  element  in  the  general  situation,  though  over- 
shadowed in  large  part  by  the  more  striking  and  dis- 
tinctive establishments. 

In  some  cases  where  documents,  which  describe  what 
the  editor  judges  to  be  the  normal  type  in  a  given  in- 
stance, have  not  been  found,  the  plan  has  been  followed 
of  printing  in  that  category  several  documents  which, 
through  their  diversity  in  point  of  view,  or  through 
treating  different  phases,  give  the  reader  a  chance  to 
fill  out  a  picture  of  the  normal  type  by  the  use  of  his 
own  constructive  imagination.    This  use  of  the  imagi-^ 
nation,  however,  must  be  made  with   great  caution.  I 
The  South  has  already  suffered  grievously  from  the  I 
conjectures  of  hit-or-miss  writers ;  and  it  is  partly  to  | 
reduce  the  acceptance  of  such  harmful  conjectures  thatj 
this  work  is  intended. 

The  truthful  insight  of  the  editor  in  his  selection  of 
material  to  show  the  general  features  can  not  of  course 
be  guaranteed.  The  documents  in  most  cases,  however, 
furnish  their  own  warranty.  Generalities  have  mostly 
been  avoided.  The  great  majority  of  the  documents 
deal  concretely,  unconsciously,  and  in  evident  faithful- 
ness with  a  special  matter  with  which  the  writer  was 
concerned  in  a  matter-of-fact  way.  The  facts  are  sim- 
ply and  plainly  stated;  and  no  matter  what  generaliza- 


98  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

tions  from  them  may  or  may  not  be  justified,  the  facts 
are  what  they  are.    The  documents,  which  exhibit  prev- 
alent philosophy  and   public  opinion,   are  of  course 
more  open  to  question.     But  the  selection  of  such  has 
been  made  with  distinct  caution.    The  method  of  the 
whole  work  has  its  obvious  limitations  of  unevenness 
:  and  incompleteness.    The  result  is  fragmentary  at  best. 
1  But  the  result  can  not  fail  to  be  suggestive,  at  least,  and 
'furnish  a  basis  for  true  knowledge. 

Most  of  the  documents  resist  any  attempt  at  classifi- 
cation within  strict  categories.  One  relating  mainly  to 
plantation  management,  for  example,  is  likely  to  have 
items  on  overseers,  slave  labor,  negro  character,  fac- 
torage, Irish  ditching  gangs,  etc.  Documents  on  mi- 
gration must  deal  with  matters  which  might  almost  as 
well  fall  into  numerous  other  categories.  Poor  whites, 
again,  were  a  class  with  vague  limits,  and  whatever  its 
limits,  our  documents  do  not  quite  fit  the  class  as  it  has 
existed  in  the  popular  imagination.  The  volumes  must 
be  used,  with  the  understanding  that  the  categories  are 
loose  as  well  as  broad,  and  it  is  safer  to  use  the  collec- 
tion as  a  whole,  or  any  single  document  from  it,  rather 
than  to  take  the  material  under  any  single  heading  as 
being  at  all  fully  descriptive. 

Volume  one  comprises  the  following  sections : 
L  The  subject  of  our  first  category,  "Plantation 
Management,"  is  necessary  as  a  setting  for  the  condi- 
tions of  labor  and  society.  The  series  of  plantation 
regulations  belong  to  a  class  of  material  too  little 
known  and  appreciated.  These  writings,  largely  un- 
conscious, are  evidently  sincere,  though  the  ones  which 
have  come  to  light  and  are  here  printed  would  show,  if 
taken  as  a  description,  too  idyllic  a  view  of  the  sys- 


INTRODUCTION  99 


tern.  What  they  show  in  fact  is  rather  the  aspirations 
of  the  high  class  planters  than  the  actuality  on  the  aver- 
age plantation.  The  next  items  illustrate  the  disad- 
vantages from  the  use  of  plantation  labor  in  its  various 
aspects  as  slave  labor,  negro  labor,  and  gang  labor. 
The  advertisement  from  the  Virginia  Gazette,  1767,  is 
a  gem  of  special  value  in  suggesting  an  answer  to  the 
question  what  regime  could  replace  the  plantation  sys- 
tem in  case  of  its  abandonment.  The  Manigault,  Cobb 
and  McMichael  papers,  deal  concretely  with  various 
aspects  of  rice  and  cotton  plantation  affairs,  showing 
interestingly  at  times  the  frame  of  mind  as  well  as  the 
business  affairs  of  the  planters.  The  section  on  by- 
industries  illustrates  the  interest  sometimes  prevailing 
in  other  matters  than  the  staples. 

II.  Under  "Plantation  Routine"  are  given  selec- 
tions from  diaries  kept  by  sugar  and  sea-island  cotton 
planters,  showing  the  organization  of  labor  in  the  large 
unit  industries. 

III.  In  the  absence  of  adequate  "Descriptions"  of 
the  topography  and  equipment  of  plantations  from  or- 
dinary sources  the  advertising  columns  of  newspapers 
have  been  chiefly  drawn  upon. 

IV.  In  the  category  of  "Staples,"  the  documents  on 
method  of  production  relate  mainly  to  rice  and  sea- 
island  cotton.  The  concluding  section  on  the  exces- 
sive interest  and  reliance  of  the  people  upon  their  sta- 
ples, illustrated  in  the  case  of  short-staple  cotton,  is  one 
of  the  most  important. 

V.  The  items  on  "Plantation  Supplies  and  Factor- 
age" show  the  sort  of  things  the  planters  needed,  and 
point  the  inconvenience  entailed  upon  communities  by 
the  failure  to  diversify  industry. 

VI.  Among  "Plantation  Vicissitudes,"  are  indicated 


lOO  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

the  many  emergencies  and  mishaps  which  might  occur 
to  test  the  capacity  of  manager  and  laborers  and  per- 
haps to  wreck  the  establishment. 

VII.  The  documents  on  "Overseers"  are  perhaps 
of  a  more  unfavorable  tone  than  would  be  typical  of 
the  average  case.  Supplementary  items  on  overseers 
may  be  noted  in  the  other  categories. 

VIII.  Of  all  features  of  southern  industrial  history, 
"Indented  Labor"  has  received  the  fullest  and  most 
satisfactory  monographic  treatment.  The  documents 
here  given  are  illustrative  of  miscellaneous  features. 

Volume  two  comprises  the  following  sections: 

IX.  On  "Slave  Labor,"  the  first  two  documents  are 
general  descriptions,  the  rest  are  mostly  concrete.  Spe- 
cial notice  should  be  called  to  the  items,  "Slaveholding 
hard  to  avoid,"  "Cases  of  chronic  shirking  and  trouble- 
making"  and  "Slaves'  purchase  of  freedom"  (particu- 
larly the  letter  of  Billy  Proctor) . 

X.  The  documents  on  the  "Slave  Trade"  illustrate 
in  wide  variety  of  items  the  concrete  features  of  that 
traffic  and  the  sentiments  with  which  it  was  regarded. 
It  will  be  observed  that  the  demand  for  slave  labor 
fluctuated  widely,  ranging  very  low  between  1780  and 
1800,  and  rising  highest  about  i860. 

XI.  The  items  on  "Fugitive  and  Stolen  Slaves" 
point  out  the  weakest  spots  in  the  whole  slaveholding 
system,  the  precariousness  of  slave  labor  as  a  form  of 
wealth,  the  injustice  and  hardships  of  slavery  when  im- 
posed upon  the  exceptional  "person  of  color,"  and  the 
failure  of  the  rigid  legal  system  to  allow  for  evolution 
and  readjustment. 

XII.  In  the  documents  on  "Slave  Conspiracies  and 
Crime"  we  have  illustration  of  the  necessity,  the  de- 
gree of  success  and  failure,  and  the  results  of  subjecting 


INTRODUCTION  lOi 


the  imported  Africans  to  a  tyranny  of  Anglo-American 
law  and  industry.  The  memorial  of  the  citizens  of 
Charleston,  following  the  discovery  of  the  negro  plot 
in  1822,  is  of  special  value. 

XIII.  The  material  on  "Negro  Qualities"  deals 
mainly  with  the  freshly  imported  Africans,  with  a  brief 
item  pointing  the  development  which  the  negroes  in 
favorable  districts  might  secure  through  association 
with  the  whites. 

XIV.  Concerning  "Free  Persons  of  Color,"  the  ma- 
terial illustrates  the  industrial  and  social  status  and 
points  the  fact  of  serious  limitation  upon  their  actual 
enjoyment  of  freedom. 

XV.  The  "Poor  Whites"  have  left  no  records  of 
their  own,  and  satisfactory  concrete  evidence  regarding 
them  is  hard  to  find.  The  documents  presented,  except 
perhaps  that  by  Stokes,  the  first  of  the  category,  are 
faithful  of  their  sort. 

XVI.  The  plantation  community,  where  nearly  all 
industry  proceeded  in  fixed  routine,  was  one  of  special 
difficulty  for  the  unattached  "Immigrant"  to  enter  and 
establish  himself.  The  problem  of  race  relations,  also, 
was  vexatious.  The  new  communities,  however,  had 
plenty  of  room  for  settlers,  and  when  the  price  of  sta- 
ples was  high,  there  was  strong  demand  for  extra  labor. 
An  item  of  special  note  is  the  extensive  employment  by 
planters  in  the  eighteen  fifties  of  gangs  of  Irishmen  and 
Germans  for  ditching  and  other  heavy  and  dangerous 
work,  to  safeguard  the  health  of  the  then  precious  negro 
slaves. 

XVII.  The  documents  on  "Migration,"  dealing 
mainly  with  the  westward  movement  of  planters,  arc 
concrete  and  clear  enough  to  speak  for  themselves. 

XVIII.  On  "Frontier  Settlement,"  the  documents 


I02  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

show  the  essential  features  of  the  process,  and  permit 
many  interesting  comparisons  of  the  development  in 
different  areas  and  periods. 

XIX.  In  "Frontier  Industry,"  the  emphasis  is  of 
course  upon  the  requirement  of  versatility  and  self- 
sufRciency. 

XX.  "Frontier  Societ}^,"  likewise,  required  self  re- 
liance and  ability  to  cope  with  emergencies.  The  docu- 
ments illustrate  varied  aspects. 

XXI.  To  complete  the  view  of  the  regime  in  the 
Old  South,  documents  are  added  on  the  industrial  life 
of  the  factories  and  towns.  In  the  "Manufacturing" 
category,  the  data  relating  to  the  textiles  is  of  chief 
significance. 

XXII.  A  few  items  are  inserted  on  "Public  Regu- 
lation of  Industry"  to  illustrate  a  tendency  which  occa- 
sionally showed  itself.  Most  of  this  was  in  the  spirit 
of  conservatism,  even  of  medievalism,  and  not  of  prog- 
ress. As  a  rule  the  tone  of  society  was  too  individualis- 
tic to  permit  of  such  regulation,  except  as  concerned  the 
labor  of  negroes. 

XXIII.  The  documents  on  "Artisans  and  Town 
Labor"  illustrate  the  labor  demand,  labor  conditions, 
and  particularly  relations  between  wage-earning  whites 
and  the  negro  labor  in  the  same  employments.  The  me- 
chanics' associations,  to  which  the  concluding  docu- 
ments relate,  were  in  most  cases  not  of  the  nature  of 
trades  unions.  Trades  unions  were  but  sporadic  in  the 
South  and  not  characteristic. 

I  have  lived  so  intimately  for  so  many  months  with 
the  documents  here  printed,  and  others  of  similar  na- 
ture, that  their  substance  has  become  very  much  a  mat- 
ter-of-course in  my  mind.    The  respective  significance 


INTRODUCTION  103 


and  limitations  of  each  item,  as  I  have  seen  them,  have 
grown  so  obvious  in  my  view  as  to  need  no  pointing  out. 
This  dulling  of  the  sense  of  proportion,  however,  is 
doubtless  not  a  misfortune;  for  in  the  great  majority 
of  items,  the  documents  are  well  able  to  tell  their  own 
story. 

A  sympathetic  understanding  of  plantation  condi- 
tions was  my  inevitable  heritage  from  my  family  and 
from  neighbors,  white  and  black,  in  the  town  of  La- 
Grange  and  Troup  County,  Georgia,  where  I  was  born 
and  grew  up.  A  deepening  appreciation  of  the  histor- 
ical significance  of  the  plantation  and  of  the  preceding 
frontier  regimes  I  owe  to  Dr.  Frederick  J.  Turner  of 
the  University  of  Wisconsin,  whose  constant  disciple 
I  have  been  since  1898.  I  am  indebted  also  to  Dr. 
William  A.  Dunning,  Dr.  Richard  T.  Ely,  Prof.  John 
R.  Commons,  Dr.  Charles  McCarthy,  Dr.  Edward  A. 
Ross,  and  Dr.  Morton  A.  Aldrich,  and  to  other  pre- 
ceptors and  colleagues  at  Columbia,  Wisconsin  and  Tu- 
lane  Universities,  for  direction  and  encouragement. 

The  financial  support  of  the  American  Bureau  of 
Industrial  Research  has  made  the  assembling  of  this 
collection  of  documents  possible. 

My  remarks  prefixed  to  the  separate  documents  men- 
tion only  a  few  of  the  legion  of  Southern  people  who 
have  rendered  substantial  aid.  In  addition  to  those 
named  in  that  way,  I  must  here  make  particular  men- 
tion of  my  indebtedness  to  the  following:  Alfred  H. 
Stone,  Esq.,  of  Dunleith,  Miss.,  Hon.  Thos.  M.  Owen 
of  Montgomery,  Ala.,  Miss  Julia  A.  Flisch  of  Augusta, 
Ga.,  W.  J.  De  Renne,  Esq.,  of  Wormsloe,  Savannah, 
Ga.,  Col.  A.  R.  Lawton  and  William  Harden,  Esq., 
both  of  Savannah,  Prof.  Yates  Snowden  of  South  Caro- 
lina College,  and  Isaac  de  C.  Porcher,  Esq.,  of  Pinop- 


I04  INTRODUCTION 


olis,  Berkeley  County,  S.  C.  Everywhere  I  have  met 
with  interest  and  eager  hospitality,  and  the  personal 
contacts,  South  and  North,  which  the  research  has  oc- 
casioned, have  combined  with  the  inherent  attractive- 
ness of  the  task  to  make  the  pleasure  of  my  work  en- 
viable. 

Ulrich  B.  Phillips 
Tulane  University  of  Louisiana,  New  Orleans,  May 
10,  1909 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

To  supplement  the  foregoing  introduction,  the  fol- 
lowing articles  by  the  present  editor  will  be  of  service : 

"The  Economics  of  the  Plantation,"  in  the  South  Atlantic  Quar- 
terly, July,  1903. 

"  The  Plantation  as  a  Civilizing  Factor,"  in  the  Sewanee  Review, 
July,  1904. 

"  The  Economic  Cost  of  Slaveholding  in  the  Cotton  Belt,"  in  the 
Political  Science  Quarterly ,  June,  1905. 

"  The  Origin  and  Growth  of  the  Southern  Black  Belts,"  in  the 
American  Historical  Review,  July,  1906. 

"  The  Slave  Labor  Problem  in  the  Charleston  District,"  in  the 
Political  Science  Quarterly,  September,  1907. 

"  Racial  Problems,  Adjustments  and  Disturbances,"  in  The  South 
in  the  Building  of  the  Nation  (New  York,  1909),  vol.  iv,  194-241. 

"  The  Slavery  Issue  in  Federal  Politics,"  in  The  South  in  the 
Building  of  the  Nation,  vol.  iv,  382-422. 

Other  secondary  material  may  be  found  in  the  gen- 
eral histories  of  the  United  States,  as  for  example : 

Rhodes,  J.  F.  History  of  the  United  States  from  the  Compro- 
mise of  1850,  vol.  i,  chap,  i,  on  slavery. 

Von  Holst,  H.  Constitutional  and  Political  Historj^  of  the 
United  States,  vol.  i,  chaps,  vii-x,  on  slavery. 

McMaster,  J.  B.  History  of  the  People  of  the  United  States 
from  the  Revolution  to  the  Civil  War,  vol.  iv,  chap,  xxxiii,  and  vol.  v, 
chap,  xlv,  on  the  westward  movement. 

Much  fuller  treatment  in  their  respective  fields  may 
be  found  in  the  following  special  works : 

Plantation  System  and  General  Industry 
Bruce,  P.  A.    Economic  Histor}--  of  Virginia  in  the  17th  Century 
(New  York,  1896),  2  vols. 


io6  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

Edwards,  Bryan.  History  of  the  British  Colonies  in  the  West 
Indies  (London,  1793-1801),  3  vols.;  fifth  edition  (London,  1819), 
5  vols. 

Hammond,  M.  B.  The  Cotton  Industry  (New  York,  American 
Economic  Association,  1897). 

Von  Halle,  Ernst.  BaumwoUproduktion  und  Pflanzungswirt- 
schaft  (Leipzic,  1897-1906),  2  vols. 

Phillips,  Ulrich  B.  Transportation  in  the  Eastern  Cotton  Belt 
(New  York,  1908). 

De  Bow,  J.  D.  B.  Industrial  Resources  and  Statistics  of  the 
Southern  and  Western  States  (New  Orleans,  1852-1853),  3  vols. 

Ingle,  Edward.    Southern  Sidelights  (New  York,  1896). 

Smedes,  Susan  D.  A  Southern  Planter  [Life  of  Thomas  Dab- 
ney],   (Baltimore,   1887). 

Indented  Labor 

Ballagh,  J.  C.  WTiite  Servitude  in  the  Colony  of  Virginia,  in 
Johns  Hopkins  University  Studies,  xiii,  nos.  6,  7  (Baltimore,  1895). 

McCormic,  E.  J.  White  Servitude  in  Maryland,  in  ibid.,  xxii, 
nos.  3,  4  (Baltimore,  1904). 

Geiser,  C.  F.  Redemptioners  and  Indentured  Servants  in  Penn- 
sylvania, in  the  Yale  Review,  x,  no.  21,  supplement  (New  Haven, 
1901). 

Slave  Labor 

Ballagh,  J.  C.  A  History  of  Slavery  in  Virginia,  in  Johns  Hop- 
kins University  Studies  (Baltimore,  1902),  extra  vol.  xxiv. 

Brackett,  J.  R.  The  Negro  in  Maryland,  in  ibid.  (Baltimore. 
1889),  extra  vol.  vi. 

Bassett,  J.  S.  History  of  Slavery  in  North  Carolina,  in  ibid., 
xvii,  nos.  7,  8  (Baltimore,  1899). 

Peytraud,  L.  p.  L'Esclavage  aux  Antilles  Frangaises  avant 
1789  (Paris,  1897). 

Moore,  G.  H.     Notes  on  Slavery  in  Massachusetts  (New  York, 

1877). 

Hart,  A.  B.  Slavery  and  Abolition,  in  the  American  Nation 
(New  York,  1906),  vol.  xvi. 

Wilson,  Henry.  History  of  the  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave 
Power  (Boston,  1872- 1877),  3  vols. 

Cairnes,  J.  E.  The  Slave  Power  (London,  1862)  ;  second 
edition,  enlarged  (London,  1863). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  107 


Race  Relations 

Williams,  G.  W.    History  of  the  Negro  Race  in  America  (New 
York,  1883),  2  vols. 

FiTZHUGH,  George.   Sociology  for  the  South  (Richmond,  1854). 
Van  Evrie,  J.  H.      Negroes  and   Negro  Slavery    (New   York, 
1861). 

[Harper,  Hammond,  Simms,  and  Dew].     The  Pro-Slavery  Ar- 
gument (Philadephia,  1853). 

Weston,  George  M.     Progress  of  Slavery  in  the  United  States 
(Washington,  1857). 

Frontier 

Turner,  F.  J.     Rise  of  the  New  West,  in  the  American  Nation 
(New  York,  1906),  vol.  xiv. 

Significance  of  the  Frontier  in  American  History,  in  the  Amer- 
ican Historical  Association  Report  for  1893  (Washington,  1894). 

The  Old  West,  in  the  Wisconsin  Historical  Society  Proceed- 
ings for  1908   (Madison,   1909). 

American   Historical  Association  Report.     Significance  of 
the  Frontier  in  American  History  (Washington,  1893),  199-227. 

Kercheval,   Samuel.     A   History  of  the  Valley  of   Virginia 
(Winchester,  Va.,  1833). 

Roosevelt,  Theodore.     The  Winning  of  the  West  (New  York, 
1 889- 1 896),  4  vols. 

WiNSOR,  Justin.     The  Westward  Movement  (Boston,  1895). 

Phelan,  James.     History  of  Tennessee  (Boston,  1888). 

Pickett,  A.  J.     History  of  Alabama  (Charleston,  1851),  2  vols.; 
new  edition,  enlarged  (Birmingham,  1900). 

Garrison,  G.  P.     Westward  Extension,  in  the  American  Nation 
(New  York,  1906),  vol.  xvii. 


I.     PLANTATION    MANAGEMENT 
I     STANDARDS  OF  MANAGERIAL  DUTY 

(a)  Instructions  given  by  Richard  Corbin,  Esq.,  to  his  agent  for  the 
management  of  his  plantations;  Virginia,  1759.  MS.  in  the  posses- 
sion of  the  Virginia  Historical  Society. 

Mr.  James  Semple:  i  Jan.  1759. 

As  it  will  be  necessary  to  say  something  to  you  and 
to  suggest  to  you  my  thoughts  upon  the  business  you  have 
undertaken,  I  shall  endeavor  to  be  particular  &  circum- 
stantial. 

I  St.  The  care  of  negroes  is  the  first  thing  to  be  rec- 
ommended that  you  give  me  timely  notice  of  their 
wants  that  they  may  be  provided  with  all  Necessarys : 
The  Breeding  wenches  more  particularly  you  must  In- 
struct the  Overseers  to  be  Kind  and  Indulgent  to,  and 
not  force  them  when  with  Child  upon  any  service  or 
hardship  that  will  be  injurious  to  them  &  that  they  have 
every  necessary  when  in  that  condition  that  is  needful 
for  them,  and  the  children  to  be  well  looked  after  and 
to  yve  them  every  Spring  &  Fall  the  Jerusalem  Oak 
seed  for  a  week  together  &  that  none  of  them  suffer  in 
time  of  sickness  for  want  of  proper  care. 

Observe  a  prudent  and  watchful  conduct  over  the 
overseers  that  they  attend  their  business  with  diligence, 
keep  the  negroes  in  good  order,  and  enforce  obedience 
by  the  example  of  their  own  industry,  which  is  a  more 
effectual  method  in  every  respect  of  succeeding  and 
making  good  crops  than  Hurry  &  Severity;  The  ways 
of  industry  are  constant  and  regular,  not  to  be  in  a 


no  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

hurry  at  one  time  and  do  nothing  at  another,  but  to  be 
always  usefully  and  steadily  employed.  A  man  who 
carries  on  business  in  this  manner  will  be  prepared  for 
every  incident  that  happens.  He  will  see  what  work 
may  be  proper  at  the  distance  of  some  time  and  be  grad- 
ually &  leisurely  providing  for  it,  by  this  foresight  he 
will  never  be  in  confusion  himself  and  his  business  in- 
stead of  a  labor  will  be  a  pleasure  to  him. 

2nd.  Next  to  the  care  of  negroes  is  the  care  of  stock 
&  supposing  the  necessary  care  taken,  I  shall  only  here 
mention  the  use  to  be  made  of  them  for  the  improve- 
ment of  the  Tobo  [i.e.,  tobacco]  Grounds,  Let  them  be 
constantly  and  regularly  Pend.  Let  the  size  of  the  Pens 
be  1000  Tobo  Hills  for  loo  Cattle,  and  so  in  proportion 
for  a  Greater  or  less  Quantity,  and  the  Pens  moved  once 
a  week.  By  this  practise  steadily  pursued  a  convenient 
quantity  of  land  may  be  provided  at  Moss's  neck  with- 
out clearing,  and  as  I  intend  this  seat  of  land  to  be  a 
settlement  for  one  of  my  sons,  I  would  be  very  sparing 
of  the  woods,  and  that  piece  of  woods  that  lies  on  the 
left  hand  of  the  Ferry  Road  must  not  be  cut  down  on 
any  account.  A  proper  use  of  the  cattle  will  answer 
every  purpose  of  making  Tobo  without  the  disturbance 
too  commonly  made  of  the  Timber  land  &  as  you  will 
see  this  Estate  once  a  Fortnight,  you  may  easily  dis- 
cover if  they  have  been  neglectful  of  Pening  the  Cattle 
and  moving  the  Cowpens. 

Take  an  exact  account  of  all  the  Negroes  &  Stocks 
at  each  Plantation  and  send  to  me;  &  Tho  once  a  year 
may  be  sufficient  to  take  this  account  yet  it  will  be  ad- 
visable to  see  them  once  a  month  at  least;  as  such  an 
Inspection  will  fix  more  closely  the  overseers'  atten- 
tions to  these  points.  As  complaints  have  been  made 
by  the  negroes  in  respect  to  their  provision  of  Corn,  I 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  iii 

must  desire  you  to  put  that  matter  under  such  a  Regu- 
lation as  your  own  Prudence  will  dictate  to  you;  The 
allowance  to  be  Sure  is  Plentiful  and  they  ought  to 
have  their  Belly  full  but  care  must  be  taken  with  this 
Plenty  that  no  waste  is  Committed;  You  must  let 
Hampton  know  that  the  care  of  the  Negroes'  corn, 
sending  it  to  mill,  always  to  be  provided  with  meal  that 
every  one  may  have  enough  &  that  regularly  and  at 
stated  times,  this  is  a  duty  as  much  incumbent  upon  him 
as  any  other.  As  the  corn  at  Moss's  neck  is  always  ready 
money  it  will  not  be  advisable  to  be  at  much  Expense  in 
raising  Hogs:  the  shattered  corn  will  probably  be 
enough  for  this  purpose.  When  I  receive  your  Acct 
of  the  spare  corn  At  Moss's  Neck  and  Richland  which 
I  hope  will  be  from  King  and  Queen  Court,  I  shall 
give  orders  to  Col.  Tucker  to  send  for  it. 

Let  me  be  acquainted  with  every  incident  that  hap- 
pens &  Let  me  have  timely  notice  of  everything  that  is 
wanted,  that  it  may  be  provided.  To  employ  the  Fall 
&  Winter  well  is  the  foundation  of  a  successful  Crop  in 
the  Summer:  You  will  therefore  Animate  the  over- 
seers to  great  diligence  that  their  work  may  be  in 
proper  forwardness  and  not  have  that  to  do  in  the 
Spring  that  ought  to  be  done  in  the  Winter:  there  is 
Business  sufficient  for  every  Season  of  the  year  and  to 
prevent  the  work  of  one  Season  from  interfering  with 
the  work  of  Another  depends  upon  the  care  of  the 
overseer. 

The  time  of  sowing  Tobo  seed,  the  order  the  Plant 
Patch  ought  to  be  in,  &  the  use  of  the  Wheat  Straw  I 
have  not  touched  upon,  it  being  too  obvious  to  be  over- 
looked. 

Supposing  the  Corn  new  laid  &  the  Tobo  ripe  for 
Housing:  To  cut  the  Corn  Tops  and  gather  the  blades 


112  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

in  proper  time  is  included  under  the  care  of  Cattle, 
their  Preservation  in  the  Winter  depending  upon  Good 
Fodder.  I  shall  therefore  confine  myself  to  Tobo. 
Tobo  hhds  should  always  be  provided  the  ist  v^^eek  in 
September;  every  morning  of  the  month  is  fit  for  strik- 
ing &  strip [p]ing;  every  morning  therefore  of  this 
month  they  should  strike  as  much  Tobo  as  they  can  strip 
whilst  the  Dew  is  upon  the  Ground,  and  what  they  strip 
in  the  morning  must  be  stemd  in  the  Evening:  this 
method  Constantly  practised,  the  Tobacco  will  be  all 
prised  before  Christmas,  wxigh  well,  and  at  least  one 
hhd  in  Ten  gained  by  finishing  the  Tobo  thus  early. 
You  shall  never  want  either  for  my  advice  or  assistance. 
These  Instructions  will  hold  good  for  Poplar  Neck  & 
Portobacco  &  perhaps  Spotsylvania  too. 

I  now  send  my  two  Carpenters  Mack  &  Abram  to 
Mosses  Neck  to  build  a  good  barn,  mend  up  the  Quar- 
ters &  get  as  many  staves  and  heading  as  will  be  suffic- 
ient for  next  years  Tobo  hhds ;  I  expect  they  will  com- 
pleat  the  whole  that  is  necessary  upon  that  Estate  by  the 
last  of  March.     .     . 

(b)  Rules  for  plantation  management  on  a  Cotton  estate  in  the  Mis- 
sissippi Bottoms.  Instructions  given  to  his  overseers  by  J.  IV.  Fowler 
of  Coahoma  county,  Miss.  MS.  in  the  possession  of  John  W.  Stovall, 
Stovall,  Miss. 

State  of  Mississippi,  Coahoma  County,  near  Friars 
Point,  A.  D.  1857. 

The  health,  happiness,  good  discipline  and  obedi- 
ence; good,  sufficient  and  comfortable  clothing,  a  suffic- 
iency of  good  wholesome  and  nutritious  food  for  both 
man  and  beast  being  indispensably  necessary  to  success- 
ful planting,  as  well  as  for  reasonable  dividends  for  the 
amount  of  capital  invested,  without  saying  anything 
about  the  Master's  duty  to  his  dependants,  to  himself 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  113 

and  his  God  -  I  do  hereby  establish  the  following  rules 
and  regulations  for  the  management  of  my  Prairie 
Plantation,  and  require  an  observance  of  the  same  by 
any  and  all  Overseers  I  may  at  any  time  have  in  charge 
thereof  to  wit:  - 

Punishment  must  never  be  cruel  or  abusive,  for  it  is 
absolutely  mean  and  unmanly  to  whip  a  negro  from 
mere  passion  or  malice,  and  any  man  who  can  do  this  is 
entirely  unworthy  and  unfit  to  have  control  of  either 
man  or  beast. 

My  negroes  are  permitted  to  come  to  me  with  their 
complaints  and  grievances  and  in  no  instance  shall  they 
be  punished  for  so  doing.  On  examination,  should  I 
find  they  have  been  cruelly  treated,  it  shall  be  consid- 
ered a  good  and  sufficient  cause  for  the  immediate  dis- 
charge of  the  Overseer. 

Prove  and  show  by  your  conduct  toward  the  negroes 
that  you  feel  a  kind  and  considerate  regard  for  them. 
Never  cruelly  punish  or  overwork  them,  never  require 
them  to  do  what  they  cannot  reasonably  accomplish  or 
otherwise  abuse  them,  but  seek  to  render  their  situation 
as  comfortable  and  contented  as  possible. 

See  that  their  necessities  are  supplied,  that  their  food 
and  clothing  be  good  and  sufficient,  their  houses  com- 
fortable ;  and  be  kind  and  attentive  to  them  in  sickness 
and  old  age. 

See  that  the  negroes  are  regularly  fed  and  that  their 
food  be  wholesome,  nutritious  and  well  cooked. 

See  that  they  keep  themselves  well  cleaned:  at  least 
once  a  week  (especially  during  summer)  inspect  their 
houses  and  see  that  they  have  been  swept  clean,  examine 
their  bedding  and  see  that  they  are  occasionally  well 
aired;  their  clothes  mended  and  everything  attended  to 
that  conduces  to  their  health,  comfort  and  happiness. 


^ 


114  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

If  any  of  the  negroes  have  been  reported  sick,  be 
prompt  to  see  what  ails  them  and  that  proper  medicine 
and  attention  be  given  them.  Use  good  judgment  and 
discretion  in  turning  out  those  who  are  getting  well. 

I  greatly  desire  that  the  Gospel  be  preached  to  the 
Negroes  when  the  services  of  a  suitable  person  can  be 
procured.  This  should  be  done  on  the  Sabbath;  day 
time  is  preferable,  if  convenient  to  the  Minister. 

Christianity,  humanity  and  order  elevate  all  -  injure 
none -whilst  infidelity,  selfishness  and  disorder  curse 
some  -  delude  others  and  degrade  all.  I  therefore  want 
all  of  my  people  encouraged  to  cultivate  religious  feel- 
ing and  morality,  and  punished  for  inhumanity  to  their 
children  or  stock  -  for  profanity,  lying  and  stealing. 

All  hands  should  be  required  to  retire  to  rest  and 
sleep  at  a  suitable  hour  and  permitted  to  remain  there 
until  such  time  as  it  will  be  necessary  to  get  out  in  time 
to  reach  their  work  by  the  time  they  can  see  well  how  to 
work  -  particularly  so  when  the  nights  are  short  and 
the  mornings  very  cold  and  inclement. 

Allow  such  as  may  desire  it  a  suitable  piece  of  ground 
to  raise  potatoes,  tobacco.  They  may  raise  chickens 
also  with  privileges  of  marketing  the  same  at  suitable 
leisure  times. 

There  being  a  sufficient  number  of  negroes  on  the 
plantation  for  society  among  themselves,  they  are  not 
to  be  allowed  to  go  off  the  plantation  merely  to  seek 
society,  nor  on  business  without  a  permit  from  myself 
or  the  Overseer  in  charge  -  nor  are  other  negroes  al- 
lowed to  visit  the  plantation. 

After  taking  proper  care  of  the  negroes,  stock,  etc. 
the  next  most  important  duty  of  the  Overseer  is  to  make 
(if  practicable)  a  sufficient  quantity  of  corn,  hay,  fod- 
der, meat,  potatoes  and  other  vegetables  for  the  con- 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  115 

sumption  of  the  plantation  and  then  as  much  cotton  as 
can  be  made  by  requiring  good  and  reasonable  labor  of 
operatives  and  teams. 

Have  a  proper  and  suitable  place  for  everything  and 
see  that  everything  is  kept  in  its  proper  place,  all  tools 
when  not  in  use  should  be  well  cleaned  and  put  away. 

Let  the  cotton  be  well  dried  before  cleaning  it.  Be 
sure  the  seed  put  up  for  planting  are  well  dried  and  a 
sufficient  quantity  saved  to  plant  the  farm  two  or  three 
times  over;  and  will  suggest  the  propriety  of  sending  a 
few  trustworthy  hands  ahead  of  the  regular  pickers  to 
gather  from  the  early  opening  -  where  the  plant  is  well 
supplied  with  bolls  -  for  seed  for  planting  the  ensueing 
year;  in  this  way  by  gathering  sufficient  quantity  every 
year  to  plant  twenty  or  twenty  five  acres  we  shall  be 
able  to  keep  up  a  supply  of  the  best  and  most  approved 
Seed  -  nor  should  there  be  less  care  observed  in  select- 
ing the  Seed  corn  from  the  crib. 

I  would  that  every  human  being  have  the  gospel 
preached  to  them  in  its  original  purity  and  simplicity; 
it  therefore  devolves  upon  me  to  have  these  dependants 
properly  instructed  in  all  that  pertains  to  the  salvation 
of  their  souls;  to  this  and  whenever  the  services  of  a 
suitable  person  can  be  secured,  have  them  instructed  in 
these  things  -  in  view  of  the  fanaticism  of  the  age  it  be- 
hooves the  Master  or  Overseer  to  be  present  on  all  such 
occasions.  They  should  be  instructed  on  Sundays  in  the 
day  time  if  practicable,  if  not  then  on  Sunday  night. 

J.  W.  Fowler. 

(c)     Rules  on  the  Rice  Estate  of  P.  C.  Weston;  South  Carolina,  1856. 
De  Bow's  Review  (Jan.,  1857),  vol.  xxi,  38-44. 

[It  is  characteristic  of  the  coast  district  of  South  Caro- 
lina and  Georgia  (the  rice  district)  that  the  work  was 
assigned  in  individual  tasks,  instead  of  being  done  in 


ii6  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

the  gang  system  which  prevailed  in  all  the  other  planta- 
tion districts.] 

The  Proprietor,  in  the  first  place,  wishes  the  Over- 
seer most  distinctly  to  understand  that  his  first  object  is 
to  be,  under  all  circumstances,  the  care  and  well  being 
of  the  negroes.  The  Proprietor  is  always  ready  to  ex- 
cuse such  errors  as  may  proceed  from  want  of  judg- 
ment; but  he  never  can  or  will  excuse  any  cruelty,  sever- 
ity, or  want  of  care  towards  the  negroes.  For  the  well 
being,  however,  of  the  negroes,  it  is  absolutely  necessary 
to  maintain  obedience,  order,  and  discipline;  to  see  that 
the  tasks  are  punctually  and  carefully  performed,  and 
to  conduct  the  business  steadily  and  firmly,  without 
weakness  on  the  one  hand,  or  harshness  on  the  other. 
For  such  ends  the  following  regulations  have  been  in- 
stituted; 

Lists  -  Tickets.  -  The  names  of  all  the  men  are  to  be 
called  over  every  Sunday  morning  and  evening,  from 
which  none  are  to  be  absent  but  those  who  are  sick,  or 
have  tickets.  When  there  is  evening  Church,  those  who 
attend  are  to  be  excused  from  answering.  At  evening 
list,  every  negro  must  be  clean  and  well  washed.  No 
one  is  to  be  absent  from  the  place  without  a  ticket, 
which  is  always  to  be  given  to  such  as  ask  it,  and  have 
behaved  well.  All  persons  coming  from  the  Proprie- 
tor's other  places  should  show  their  tickets  to  the  Over- 
seer, who  should  sign  his  name  on  the  back;  those  going 
ofif  the  plantation  should  bring  back  their  tickets  signed. 
The  Overseer  is  every  now  and  then  to  go  round  at 
night  and  call  at  the  houses,  so  as  to  ascertain  whether 
their  inmates  are  at  home. 

Allowance  -  Food.  -  Great  care  should  be  taken  that 
the  negroes  should  never  have  less  than  their  regular 
allowance:  in  all  cases  of  doubt,  it  should  be  given  in 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  117 

favor  of  the  largest  quantity.  The  measures  should  not 
be  struck,  but  rather  heaped  up  over.  None  but  provi- 
sions of  the  best  quality  should  be  used.  If  any  is  dis- 
covered to  be  damaged,  the  Proprietor,  if  at  hand,  is 
to  be  immediately  informed;  if  absent,  the  damaged 
article  is  to  be  destroyed.  The  corn  should  be  carefully 
winnowed  before  grinding.  The  small  rice  is  apt  to  be- 
come sour :  as  soon  as  this  is  perceived  it  should  be  given 
out  every  meal  until  finished,  or  until  it  becomes  too 
sour  to  use,  when  it  should  be  destroyed. 

Work,  Holidays,  &c.  -  No  work  of  any  sort  or  kind 
is  to  be  permitted  to  be  done  by  negroes  on  Good  Fri- 
day, or  Christmas  day,  or  on  any  Sunday,  except  going 
for  a  Doctor,  or  nursing  sick  persons;  any  work  of  this 
kind  done  on  any  of  these  days  is  to  be  reported  to  the 
Proprietor,  who  \V\\\  pay  for  it.  The  two  days  follow- 
ing Christmas  day;  the  first  Saturdays  after  finishing 
threshing,  planting,  hoeing,  and  harvest,  are  also  to  be 
holidays,  on  which  the  people  may  work  for  themselves. 
Only  half  task  is  to  be  done  on  every  Saturday,  except 
during  planting  and  harvest,  and  those  who  have  misbe- 
haved or  been  lying  up  during  the  week.  A  task  is  as 
much  work  as  the  meanest  full  hand  can  do  in  nine 
hours,  working  industriously.  The  Driver  is  each 
morning  to  point  out  to  each  hand  their  task,  and  this 
task  is  never  to  be  increased,  and  no  work  is  to  be  done 
over  task  except  under  the  most  urgent  necessity;  which 
over-work  is  to  be  reported  to  the  Proprietor,  who  will 
pay  for  it.  No  negro  is  to  be  put  into  a  task  which  they 
cannot  finish  with  tolerable  ease.  It  is  a  bad  plan  to 
punish  for  not  finishing  task;  it  is  subversive  of  dis- 
cipline to  leave  tasks  unfinished,  and  contrary  to  justice 
to  punish  for  what  cannot  be  done.  In  nothing  does  a 
good  manager  so  much  excel  a  bad,  as  in  being  able  to 


ii8  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

discern  what  a  hand  is  capable  of  doing,  and  in  never 
attempting  to  make  him  do  more. 

No  negro  is  to  leave  his  task  until  the  driver  has  ex- 
amined and  approved  it,  he  is  then  to  be  permitted  im- 
mediately to  go  home ;  and  the  hands  are  to  be  encour- 
aged to  finish  their  tasks  as  early  as  possible,  so  as  to 
have  time  for  v^orking  for  themselves.  Every  negro, 
except  the  sickly  ones  and  those  with  suckling  children, 
(who  are  to  be  allowed  half  an  hour,)  are  to  be  on 
board  the  flat  by  sunrise.  One  driver  is  to  go  down 
to  the  flat  early,  the  other  to  remain  behind  and  bring 
on  all  the  people  with  him.  He  will  be  responsible  for 
all  coming  down.  The  barn-yard  bell  will  be  rung  by 
the  watchman  two  hours,  and  half  an  hour,  before 
sunrise. 

Punishments.  -  It  is  desirable  to  allow  24  hours  to 
elapse  between  the  discovery  of  the  oflfence,  and  the 
punishment.  No  punishment  is  to  exceed  15  lashes:  in 
cases  where  the  Overseer  supposes  a  severer  punishment 

necessary,  he  must  apply  to  the  Proprietor,  or  to , 

Esq.,  in  case  of  the  Proprietor's  absence  from  the  neigh- 
borhood. Confinement  (not  in  the  stocks)  is  to  be  pre- 
ferred to  whipping:  but  the  stoppage  of  Saturday's  al- 
lowance, and  doing  whole  task  on  Saturday,  will  suffice 
to  prevent  ordinary  offences.  Special  care  must  be  taken 
to  prevent  any  indecency  in  punishing  women.  No 
Driver,  or  other  negro,  is  to  be  allowed  to  punish 
any  person  in  any  way,  except  by  order  of  the  Over- 
seer, and  in  his  presence. 

Flats,  Boats,  &c.  -  All  the  flats,  except  those  in  im- 
mediate use,  should  be  kept  under  cover,  and  sheltered 
from  the  sun.  Every  boat  must  be  locked  up  every 
evening  and  the  keys  taken  to  the  Overseer.  No  negro 
will  be  allowed  to  keep  a  boat. 


PLANTATION   MANAGEMENT  119 

Sickness.  -  All  sick  persons  are  to  stay  in  the  hospital 
night  and  day,  from  the  time  they  first  complain  to  the 
time  they  are  able  to  go  to  work  again.  The  nurses  are 
to  be  responsible  for  the  sick  not  leaving  the  house,  and 
for  the  cleanliness  of  the  bedding,  utensils,  &c.  The 
nursed  are  never  to  be  allowed  to  give  any  medicine 
without  the  orders  of  the  Overseer  or  Doctor.  A 
woman,  beside  the  plantation  nurse,  must  be  put  to 
nurse  all  persons  seriously  ill.  In  all  cases  at  all  ser- 
ious the  Doctor  is  to  be  sent  for,  and  his  orders  are  to  be 
strictly  attended  to;  no  alteration  is  to  be  made  in  the 
treatment  he  directs.  Lying-in  women  are  to  be  at- 
tended by  the  midwife  as  long  as  is  necessary,  and  by 
a  woman  put  to  nurse  them  for  a  fortnight.  They  will 
remain  at  the  negro  houses  for  4  weeks,  and  then  will 
work  2  weeks  on  the  highland.  In  some  cases,  however, 
it  is  necessary  to  allow  them  to  lie  up  longer.  The 
health  of  many  women  has  been  entirely  ruined  by  want 
of  care  in  this  particular.  Women  are  sometimes  in 
such  a  state  as  to  render  it  unfit  for  them  to  work  in 
water;  the  Overseer  should  take  care  of  them  at  these 
times.  The  pregnant  women  are  always  to  do  some 
work  up  to  the  time  of  their  confinement,  if  it  is  only 
walking  into  the  field  and  staying  there.  If  they  are 
sick,  they  are  to  go  to  the  hospital,  and  stay  there  until  it 
is  pretty  certain  their  time  is  near. 

Nourishing  food  is  to  be  provided  for  those  who  are 
getting  better.  The  Overseer  will  keep  an  account  of 
the  articles  he  purchases  for  this  purpose,  during  the 
Proprietor's  absence,  which  he  will  settle  for  as  soon  as 
he  returns. 

Bleeding  is  under  all  circumstances  strictly  prohib- 
ited, except  by  order  of  the  Doctor.  -  The  Overseer  is 
particularly  warned  not  to  give  strong  medicine,  such 


I20  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

as  calomel,  or  tartar  emetic;  simple  remedies  such  as 
flax-seed  tea,  mintwater.  No.  6,  magnesia,  &c.,  are  suf- 
ficient for  most  cases,  and  do  less  harm.  Strong  medi- 
cines should  be  left  to  the  Doctor;  and  since  the  Pro- 
prietor never  grudges  a  Doctor's  bill,  however  large,  he 
has  a  right  to  expect  that  the  Overseer  shall  always  send 

for  the  Doctor  when  a  serious  case  occurs.    Dr. 

is  the  Physician  of  the  place.    When  he  is  absent.  Dr. 

.    Great  care  must  be  taken  to  prevent  persons 

from  lying  up  when  there  is  nothing  or  little  the  matter 
with  them.  Such  must  be  turned  out  immediately;  and 
those  somewhat  sick  can  do  lighter  work,  which  en- 
courages industry.  Nothing  is  so  subversive  of  disci- 
pline, or  so  unjust,  as  to  allow  people  to  sham,  for  this 
causes  the  well-disposed  to  do  the  work  of  the  lazy.    .    . 

Duties  of  Officials.  -  Drivers  are,  under  the  Overseer, 
to  maintain  discipline  and  order  on  the  place.  They 
are  to  be  responsible  for  the  quiet  of  the  negro-houses, 
for  the  proper  performance  of  tasks,  for  bringing  out 
the  people  early  in  the  morning,  and  generally  for  the 
immediate  inspection  of  such  things  as  the  Overseer 
only  generally  superintends.  For  other  duties  of 
Driver,  see  article  Work. 

Watchmen  are  to  be  responsible  for  the  safety  of  the 
buildings,  boats,  flats,  and  fences,  and  that  no  cattle 
or  hogs  come  inside  the  place.  If  he  perceives  any 
buildings  or  fences  out  of  repair,  or  if  he  hears  of  any 
robberies  or  trespasses,  he  must  immediately  give  the 
Overseer  notice.    He  must  help  to  kill  hogs  and  beeves. 

Trunk-minders  undertake  the  whole  care  of  the 
trunks,  [i.e.,  sluice-valves]  under  the  Proprietor's  and 
Overseer's  directions.  Each  has  a  boat  to  himself, 
which  he  must  on  no  account  let  any  body  else  use. 

Nurses  are  to  take  care  of  the  sick,  and  to  be  respon- 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  121 

sible  for  the  fulfilment  of  the  orders  of  the  Overseer, 
or  Doctor,  (if  he  be  in  attendance.)  The  food  of  the 
sick  will  be  under  their  charge.  They  are  expected  to 
keep  the  hospital  floors,  bedding,  blankets,  utensils,  &c., 
in  perfect  cleanliness.  Wood  should  be  allowed  them. 
Their  assistants  should  be  entirely  under  their  control. 
When  the  Proprietor  and  Overseer  are  absent,  and  a 
serious  case  occurs,  the  nurse  is  to  send  for  the  Doctor. 

Yard  Watchman  is  responsible  for  the  crop  in  the 
yard,  and  for  the  barns. 

Cooks  take  every  day  the  provisions  for  all  the  peo- 
ple, the  sick  only  excepted,  (see  article  Allowance.) 
The  Overseer  is  particularly  requested  to  see  that  they 
cook  cleanly  and  well.  One  cook  cooks  on  the  Island, 
the  other  on  the  Main,  for  the  carpenters,  millers,  high- 
land hands,  &c. 

The  child's  cook  cooks  for  the  children  at  the  negro- 
houses;  she  ought  to  be  particularly  looked  after,  so  that 
the  children  should  not  eat  anything  unwholesome. 

Miscellaneous  Observations.  -The  Proprietor  wishes 
particularly  to  impress  on  the  Overseer  the  criterions 
by  which  he  will  judge  of  his  usefulness  and  capacity. 
First -by  the  general  well-being  of  all  the  negroes; 
their  cleanly  appearance,  respectful  manners,  active 
and  vigorous  obedience;  their  completion  of  their  tasks 
well  and  early;  the  small  amount  of  punishment;  the 
excess  of  births  over  deaths;  the  small  number  of  per- 
sons in  hospital,  and  the  health  of  the  children.  Sec- 
ondly -  the  condition  and  fatness  of  the  cattle  and 
mules;  the  good  repair  of  all  the  fences  and  buildings, 
harness,  boats,  flats,  and  ploughs;  more  particularly  the 
good  order  of  the  banks  and  trunks,  and  the  freedom 
of  the  fields  from  grass  and  volunteer.  Thirdly  -  the 
amount  and  quality  of  the  rice  and  provision  crops. 


122  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

The  Overseer  will  fill  up  the  printed  forms  sent  to  him 
every  week,  from  which  the  Proprietor  will  obtain 
most  of  the  facts  he  desires,  to  form  the  estimate  men- 
tioned above. 

The  Overseer  is  expressly  prohibited  from  three 
things  viz :  bleeding,  giving  spirits  to  any  negro  without 
a  Doctor's  order,  and  letting  any  negro  on  the  place 
have  or  keep  any  gun,  powder,  or  shot.     .     . 

Women  with  six  children  alive  at  any  one  time,  are 
allowed  all  Saturday  to  themselves. 

Fighting,  particularly  amongst  women,  and  obscene, 
or  abusive  language,  is  to  be  always  rigorously  pun- 
ished. 

During  the  summer,  fresh  spring  water  must  be  car- 
ried every  day  on  the  Island.  Any  body  found  drinking 
ditch  or  river  water  must  be  punished. 
^  Finally.  -  The  Proprietor  hopes  the  Overseer  will 
remember  that  a  system  of  strict  justice  is  necessary  to 
good  management.  No  person  should  ever  be  allowed 
to  break  a  law  without  being  punished,  or  any  person 
punished  who  has  not  broken  a  well  known  law.  Every 
person  should  be  made  perfectly  to  understand  what 
they  are  punished  for,  and  should  be  made  to  perceive 
that  they  are  not  punished  in  anger,  or  through  caprice. 
All  abusive  language  or  violence  of  demeanor  should 
be  avoided :  they  reduce  the  man  who  uses  them  to  a 
level  with  the  negro,  and  are  hardly  ever  forgotten  by 
those  to  whom  they  are  addressed. 

(d)  Contract  befiveen  Charles  Manigault  and  his  overseer,  S.  F. 
Clark,  for  the  year  1853,  Chatham  county,  Georgia.  [The  document 
was  evidently  drafted  by  the  employer.]  MS.  in  the  possession  of 
Mrs.  Hawkins  Jenkins,  Pinopolis,  B.C. 

[The  plantations  to  be  overseen  by  Clark  according  to 
this  contract  were  East  Hermitage  and  Gowrie,  to 
which  later  documents  in  this  collection  also  relate.] 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  123 

The  following  agreement  is  hereby  made  and  con- 
cluded between  Charles  Manigault  and  Stephen  F. 
Clark  for  the  year  1853. 

I,  Stephen  F.  Clark  hereby  undertake  to  manage  to 
the  best  of  my  abilities  the  two  Plantations  on  Argyle 
Island  (which  are  now  joined  into  one)  comprising 
about  500  acres  of  Rice  land,  all  of  which  is  to  be 
planted  in  Rice  and  I  will  devote  all  my  experience  and 
exertions  to  attend  to  all  Mr.  Manigault's  interests  and 
Plantation  concerns  according  to  his  wishes  and  in- 
structions and  as  most  conducive  to  his  interest  and  to 
the  comfort  and  welfare  of  his  Negroes.  I  will  treat 
them  all  with  kindness  and  consideration  ii  sickness 
and  in  health.  I  will  be  at  both  settlements  every  day, 
and  supervise  all  that  is  going  on  at  each  place,  and  at- 
tend personally  to  giving  out  allowance  every  Sunday 
morning  and  see  to  all  other  things  myself.  I  will  put 
the  banks  and  lands  etc.,  of  his  plantation  in  the  best 
possible  order  so  as  to  have  every  branch  of  it  in  such  a 
secure  and  forward  state  as  to  give  the  best  hopes  of  suc- 
cess, with  a  view  of  planting,  buUwarking,  harvest- 
ing, placing  safely  and  securely  in  the  Barn  yard, 
threshing  (by  steam  or  otherwise)  milling  and  sending 
away  such  a  crop  as  his  Plantation  ought  to  produce 
under  good  management  and  my  best  personal  attend- 
ance to  all  things.  I  will  never  work  his  Negroes  off 
the  Place,  no  lending  and  borrowing  of  hands  being 
permitted  by  Mr.  Manigault.  I  will  keep  the  Flats 
and  other  things  in  good  repair  and  will  never  lend  out 
his  flat  or  other  boat  or  any  thing  belonging  to  his  Plan- 
tation and  never  send  either  away  unless  there  is  abso- 
lute necessity  for  it.  Mr.  Manigault  never  borrows  or 
lends  if  he  can  help  it  and  hereby  instructs  Mr.  Clark  to 
write  to  Messrs.  Habersham  &  Son  for  any  thing  which 
in  his  judgment  Mr.  Manigault's  Plantation  stands  in 


124  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

need  of.  I  will  take  special  care  to  keep  the  Carpenters 
constantly  employed  in  the  most  useful  and  necessary 
Plantation  works,  and  when  work  is  slack  with  them  I 
will  put  them  at  the  old  and  new  Wharf,  etc.,  or  to 
caulking  and  repairing  Flats  Etc.  I  will  attend  to  the 
Steam  Thresher  and  Rice  Mill  as  far  as  lays  in  my 
power  and  see  that  the  measurements  of  rough  rice  and 
the  delivery  of  it  and  of  barrels  of  clean  rice  from  Mill 
for  market  be  all  properly  attended  to  and  written  down 
and  I  will  have  a  close  supervision,  but  at  the  same  time 
be  careful  not  to  interfere  too  much  with  the  beating 
and  management  of  the  Rice  Mill  in  cases  where  I  am 
unacquainted  with  such  machinery  and  the  working  of 
it,  as  the  Negroes  in  charge  have  much  experience 
therein.  In  case  of  accident  I  will  use  all  my  energy 
to  have  it  repaired  in  Savannah  as  soon  as  possible. 
There  being  no  Physician  engaged  on  the  place  I  will 
provide  myself  with  a  good  book  of  Medical  instruc- 
tion and  be  careful  to  have  at  hand  the  few  requisite 
Plantation  Medicines  and  I  will  attend  myself  to  mix- 
ing and  instructing  the  nurses  how  to  administer  them. 
And  in  the  event  of  any  serious  accident  resulting  in  the 
fracture  of  a  limb,  I  will  place  the  patient  on  a  door 
in  the  fastest  boat  I  can  command  and  immediately  send 
him  to  Savannah  to  be  conveyed  on  the  door  by  the  boat 
hands  and  placed  in  the  care  of  Dr.  Bullock  or  at  his 
Hospital.  I  engage  to  keep  neither  Horse,  Hog  or 
Poultry  of  any  kind  on  Mr.  Manigault's  Plantation.  I 
am  to  be  supplied  (solely  for  myself  and  family)  with 
Plantation  provisions  consisting  only  of  Corn  and  small 
Rice,  all  other  provision  and  supplies  for  myself  I  am 
to  procure  at  my  own  expense.  I  am  to  have  a  woman 
exclusively  devoted  to  washing  and  cooking  for  me,  she 
being  the  only  person  belonging  to  the  Plantation  that  I 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  125 

am  to  give  any  call  or  occupation  to  whatever  for  any 
of  my  household  affairs,  she  never  to  be  a  field  hand.  I 
am  also  to  be  provided  with  a  boy  to  wait  on  me  and  to 
go  to  the  new  Ground  to  cut  wood  from  any  logs  or 
stumps  for  my  fire  wood.  I  will  endeavour  to  prevent 
any  one  trespassing  on  Mr.  Manigault's  Island  in  wood 
opposite  Mr.  Legare's  Plantation,  by  forbidding  any 
one  whatever  cutting  the  wood  or  digging  and  flatting 
mud  from  it.  Mr,  Manigault's  row  boat  being  kept 
solely  for  his  own  use,  with  its  oars  &c.  is  always  to  be 
placed  carefully  in  the  Mill  during  his  absence.  I  shall 
always  prefer  transacting  any  business  I  have  with 
Savannah  by  letter  sent  by  a  boy  in  a  canoe.  Whenever 
a  hard  storm  of  rain  sets  in  and  does  not  clear  oft'  to- 
wards the  afternoon,  unless  the  people  are  at  some  very 
pressing  and  important  work  Mr.  Manigault  wishes 
me  to  call  them  in  to  their  houses  for  the  rest  of  the 
rainy  stormy  afternoon,  and  Mr.  Manigault  wishes  the 
Driver  to  be  told  this,  so  that  should  the  Overseer  not 
be  present  with  them  the  Driver  can  act  accordingly 
and  bring  the  people  home,  for  Mr.  Manigault's  long 
experience  is  that  always  after  a  complete  wetting  par- 
ticularly in  cold  rainy  weather,  in  winter  or  spring  one 
or  more  of  them  are  made  sick  and  lie  up,  and  at  times 
serious  illness  ensues.  Mr.  Manigault  wishes  Mr.  Clark 
to  sell  for  him  all  the  Rice  flour  made  in  his  Mill  to 
any  one  in  small  or  large  quantities,  always  and  to  every 
one  for  cash  and  should  Mr.  Clark  be  induced  on  any 
occasion  to  give  credit  to  any  one  it  must  be  at  his  own 
risk,  and  my  account  with  Mr.  Clark  must  be  credited 
with  the  amount.     .     . 

To  all  of  which  terms  I,  Stephen  F.  Clark  hereby 
agree  and  bind  myself  to  conform  to  it  in  every  respect, 
and  on  my  fulfilling  all  that  I  hereby  agree  to  in  the 


126  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

above  agreement  then  and  in  that  case  Mr.  Charles 
Manigault  hereby  binds  himself  to  pay  me  for  my  afore- 
named services  at  and  after  the  rate  of  Five  Hundred 
Dollars  pr  annum  for  this  present  year  and  at  the  same 
rate  for  any  portion  of  the  year  that  I  may  continue  in 
his  services.  S.  F.  CLARK  -  CHARLES  ManigaulT. 

(e)  Instrucrions  by  Alexander  Telfair,  of  Savannah,  Ga.,  to  the  over- 
seer of  his  plantation  near  Augusta,  dated  June  ii,  1832.  MS.  in  the 
possession  of  the  Georgia  Historical  Society,  trustee  for  the  Telfair 
Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  Savannah. 

Rules  and  directions  for  my  Thorn  Island  Plantation 
by  which  my  overseers  are  to  govern  themselves  in  the 
management  of  it.- ALEXANDER  TELFAIR. 

(The  directions  in  this  book  are  to  be  strictly  attended 
to.) 

1  The  allowance  for  every  grown  Negro  however 
old  and  good  for  nothing,  and  every  young  one  that 
works  in  the  field,  is  a  peck  of  corn  each  week,  and  a 
pint  of  salt,  and  a  piece  of  meat,  not  exceeding  fourteen 
pounds,  per  month. 

2  No  Negro  to  have  more  than  Fifty  lashes  inflicted 
for  any  offence,  no  matter  how  great  the  crime. 

3  The  sucking  children,  and  all  other  small  ones 
who  do  not  work  in  the  field,  draw  a  half  allowance  of 
corn  and  salt. 

4  You  will  give  tickets  to  any  of  the  negroes  who 
apply  for  them,  to  go  any  where  about  the  neighbor- 
hood, but  do  not  allow  them  to  go  ofT  it  without,  nor 
sufifer  any  strange  negroes  to  come  on  it  without  a  pass. 

5  The  negres  to  be  tasked  when  the  work  allows  it. 
I  require  a  reasonable  days  work,  well  done  -  the  task 
to  be  regulated  by  the  state  of  the  ground  and  the 
strength  of  the  negro. 

6  The  cotton  to  be  weighed  every  night  and  the 
weights  set  down  in  the  Cotton  Book.    The  product  of 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  127 

each  field  to  be  set  down  separately  -  as  also  the  produce 
of  the  different  corn  fields. 

7  You  will  keep  a  regular  journal  of  the  business 
of  the  plantation,  setting  down  the  names  of  the  sick; 
the  beginning,  progress,  and  finishing  of  work;  the  state 
of  the  weather;  Births,  Deaths,  and  every  thing  of  im- 
portance that  takes  place  on  the  Plantation. 

8  You  are  responsible  for  the  conduct  of  all  per- 
sons who  visit  you.  All  others  found  on  the  premises 
who  have  no  business,  you  will  take  means  to  run  off. 

9  Feed  every  thing  plentifully,  but  waste  nothing. 

10  The  shade  trees  in  the  present  clearings  are  not 
to  be  touched;  and  in  taking  in  new  ground,  leave  a 
thriving  young  oak  or  Hickory  Tree  to  every  Five 
Acres. 

1 1  When  picking  out  cotton,  do  not  allow  the  hands 
to  pull  the  Boles  off  the  Stalk. 

12  All  visiting  between  this  place  and  the  one  in 
Georgia  is  forbidden,  except  with  Tickets  from  the  re- 
spective overseers,  and  that  but  very  seldom.  There 
are  none  who  have  husbands  or  wives  over  there,  and 
no  connexions  of  the  kind  are  to  be  allowed  to  be 
formed. 

13  No  night-meeting  and  preaching  to  be  allowed 
on  the  place,  except  on  Saturday  night  &  Sunday  morn. 

14  Elsey  is  allowed  to  act  as  midwife,  to  black  and 
white  in  the  neighborhood,  who  send  for  her.  One  of 
her  daughters  to  stay  with  the  children  and  take  charge 
of  her  business  until  she  returns.  She  draws  a  peck 
of  corn  a  week  to  feed  my  poultry  with. 

15  All  the  Land  which  is  not  planted,  you  will 
break  up  in  the  month  of  September.  Plough  it  deep 
so  as  to  turn  in  all  the  grass  and  weeds  which  it  may  be 
covered  with. 


128  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

i6  If  there  is  any  fighting  on  the  Plantation,  whip 
all  engaged  in  it  -  for  no  matter  what  the  cause  may 
have  been,  all  are  in  the  wrong. 

17  Elsey  is  the  Doctoress  of  the  Plantation.  Incase 
of  extraordinary  illness,  when  she  thinks  she  can  do  no 
more  for  the  sick,  you  will  employ  a  Physician. 

18  My  Cotton  is  packed  in  Four  &  a  half  yard  Bags, 
weighing  each  300  pounds,  and  the  rise  of  it. 

19  Neither  the  Cotton  nor  Corn  stalks  to  be  burnt, 
but  threshed  and  chopped  down  in  every  field  on  the 
plantation,  and  suffered  to  lie  until  ploughed  in  in  the 
course  of  working  the  land. 

20  Billy  to  do  the  Blacksmith  work. 

20  [sic]  The  trash  and  stuff  about  the  settlement 
to  be  gathered  in  heaps,  in  broken,  wet  days  to  rot;  in  a 
word  make  manure  of  every  thing  you  can. 

21  A  Turnip  Patch  to  be  planted  every  year  for  the 
use  of  the  Plantation. 

22  The  Negroes  measures  for  Shoes  to  be  sent  down 
with  the  name  written  on  each,  by  my  Raft  hands,  or 
any  other  certain  conveyance,  to  me,  early  in  October. 
All  draw  shoes,  except  the  children,  and  those  that 
nurse  them. 

23  Write  me  the  last  day  of  every  month  to  Savan- 
nah, unless  otherwise  directed.  When  writing  have  the 
Journal  before  you,  and  set  down  in  the  Letter  every 
thing  that  has  been  done,  or  occurred  on  the  Plantation 
during  the  month. 

24  Pease  to  be  planted  in  all  the  Corn,  and  plenty 
sowed  for  seed. 

25  When  Picking  Cotton  in  the  Hammock  and 
Hickory  Ridge,  weigh  the  Tasks  in  the  field,  and  hawl 
the  Cotton  home  in  the  Wagon. 

26  The  first  picking  of  Cotton  to  be  depended  on 
for  seed.    Seed  sufficient  to  plant  two  Crops  to  be  saved, 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  129 

and  what  is  left,  not  to  be  thrown  out  of  the  Gin  House, 
until  you  clean  it  out  before  beginning  to  pick  out  the 
new  Crop. 

27  A  Beef  to  be  killed  for  the  negroes  in  July,  Au- 
gust and  September.  The  hides  to  be  tanned  at  home 
if  you  understand  it,  or  put  out  to  be  tanned  on  shares. 

28  A  Lot  to  be  planted  in  Rye  in  September,  and 
seed  saved  every  year.  The  Cow  pens  to  be  moved 
every  month  to  tread  the  ground  for  this  purpose. 

29  When  a  Beef  is  killed,  the  Fifth  quarter  except 
the  hide  to  be  given  to  Elsey  for  the  children. 

30  Give  the  negroes  nails  when  building  or  repair- 
ing their  houses  when  you  think  they  need  them. 

31  My  Negroes  are  not  allowed  to  plant  Cotton  for 
themselves.  Every  thing  else  they  may  plant,  and  you 
will  give  them  tickets  to  sell  what  they  make. 

32  I  have  no  Driver.  You  are  to  task  the  negroes 
yourself,  and  each  negro  is  responsible  to  you  for  his 
own  work,  and  nobodys  else. 

33  The  Cotton  Bags  to  be  marked  A.  T.  and  num- 
bered. 

34  I  leave  my  Plantation  Shot  Gun  with  you. 

35  The  Corn  and  Cotton  stalks  to  be  cut,  and 
threshed  down  on  the  land  which  lies  out  to  rest,  the 
same  as  if  it  was  to  be  planted. 

(f)  Practical  rules  for  the  management  and  medical  treatment  of  Negro 
Slaves  in  the  Sugar  Colonies.  By  a  Professional  Planter  (London, 
1803).     Extract  from  chap,  viii,  on  discipline. 

[The  book  was  a  West  Indian  product.] 

Negroes  should  be  so  well  treated,  as  not  to  be  com- 
pelled to  transgress  by  the  urgency  of  their  wants;  in 
which  case,  your  discipline  cannot  be  too  exact,  for  you 
will  find  even  the  happiness  of  your  slave  to  depend  on 
a  regular  maintenance  of  authority.  You  cannot  resign 
him  to  the  guidance  of  his  own  discretion,  but,  like  a 


ijo  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

soldier  in  the  ranks,  he  must  be  a  mere  machine,  with- 
out either  will  or  motion,  other  than  you  impress  upon 
him. 

The  basis  of  this  discipline  must  consist  in  accustom- 
ing your  negroes  to  an  absolute  submission  to  orders; 
for  if  you  suffer  them  to  disobey  in  one  instance,  they 
will  do  so  in  another;  and  thus  an  independence  of 
spirit  will  be  acquired,  that  will  demand  repeated  pun- 
ishment to  suppress  it,  and  to  re-establish  your  relaxed 
authority.  You  should,  therefore,  lay  it  down  as  a 
rule,  never  to  sufifer  your  commands  to  be  disputed; 
and,  at  the  same  time,  you  should  take  care  to  give  none 
but  what  are  reasonable  and  proper;  for  negroes  are 
penetrating  enough  into  the  foibles  of  their  masters. 
If  you  have  any,  you  should  conceal  them,  and  endeavor 
by  all  means,  to  impress  them  with  a  good  opinion  of 
your  temper  and  judgment. 

If  your  negroes  are  properly  managed,  as  recom- 
mended in  the  preceding  chapters,  you  will  have  the 
pleasure  of  finding  their  offences  comparatively  very 
few,  a  great  part  of  those  which  they  commit,  proceed- 
ing from  a  penury  of  food,  and  exhausted  strength, 
which  leads  them  to  pilfer,  and  to  skulk  from  their  la- 
bors. Negroes,  however,  like  other  human  beings,  pos- 
sess diversities  of  temper,  and  the  best  treatment  you 
can  give  them,  will  not  always  prevent  them  from  of- 
fending to  a  degree  that  will  call  for  chastisement. 

2    THE  INCONVENIENCE  OF  A  RIGID  LABOR  SUPPLY 

Letter  to  Robert  Carter  of  Nomoni  Hall,  Virginia,  1785,  from  his  over- 
seer. MS.  in  the  possession  of  the  Virginia  Historical  Society,  Carter 
Papers. 

Coale's  point  June  23d  1785. 

Hon  Sir:     the  Draft  oxen  heare  is  so  Deficiant  I 

Cant  Drive  More  then  two  plowes  and  them  not  to  plow 

more  then  two  thousand  Corn  hills  Each  per  day  which 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  131 

is  But  half  as  much  as  a  plow  aught  to  plow,  I  have  one 
hundred  and  sixty  thousand  Corn  hills  that  aught  to  be 
plowed  and  Eighty  of  it  very  grasse  and  also  sixty  thou- 
sand Tobo.  hills  an  fore  Ds  of  Gotten  which  wants 
working  at  this  time  and  hoes  is  Chefe  my  Dependanc 
I  hope  your  Hon  will  gudg  from  this  what  Chanc  I 
have  of  getting  my  Crop  Clean  without  the  assistance  of 
more  Teem  or  hands,  if  it  lies  in  your  Honers  power 
to  help  me  now  it  will  be  much  to  your  advantage,  for 
the  Spring  has  bin  so  very  wet  an  want  of  teem  that  I 
am  much  in  the  grass. 

3     SOIL  WASTAGE,  TYPICAL 

Extract  discussing  the  prevailing  system  of  agriculture,   from  John  L. 
Willianos's  The  Territory  of  Florida  (1837). 

.  .  The  course  commenced  in  Florida  is  the  same 
that  has  generally  been  pursued,  in  all  the  slave  holding 
states,  north  of  us.  A  course  which  has  destroyed  the 
native  fertility  of  the  soil,  from  the  Chesapeake  Bay  to 
the  St.  Mary's  river,  with  few  exceptions.  The  object 
has  been  to  cultivate  as  much  land  and  with  as  few  hands 
as  possible.  To  exhaust  the  soil  and  turn  it  common, 
and  then  to  remove  and  pursue  the  same  course  again, 
upon  new  land.  It  is  really  to  be  hoped  that  in  future, 
some  system  may  be  adopted  which  may  tend  not  only 
to  preserve,  but  to  improve  the  soil  we  cultivate.  Near 
the  sea  coast  we  have  boundless  means  in  the  sea  weed 
and  marsh  mud,  to  improve  our  lands;  and  facts  abun- 
dantly demonstrate,  that  it  is  much  less  expensive  to 
preserve  the  fertility  of  a  good  soil  by  manuring  it, 
than  to  clear  up  new  and  heavy  timbered  lands.  Be- 
sides it  is  something  to  preserve  the  fruits  that  we  have 
planted,  and  the  improvements  that  we  have  made  in 
early  life,  or  those  which  we  have  received  from  our 
ancestors.     Besides,  we  are  approaching  the  limits  of 


132  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

our  peregrinations,  unless  we  fly  off  in  a  western  tan- 
gent; and  it  will  be  a  long  journey  in  that  direction 
which  will  bring  us  to  good  uncultivated  lands.     .     . 

4    SOIL  PRESERVATION,  EXCEPTIONAL 

Editorial  from  the  Federal  Union  (Milledgeville,  Ga.),  Apr.  23,  1850, 
on  the  preservation  of  broken  lands.  The  surprise  and  enthusiasm 
of  the  writer  at  finding  a  planter  who,  by  horizontal  plowing  and 
hillside  ditching,  prevented  the  washing  of  his  soil  away,  indicates 
by  contrast  the  careless  practices  followed  by  the  neighboring  plant- 
ers and  farmers. 

.  .  .  Two  questions  present  themselves :- one  is, 
could  this  desolation  have  been  prevented?  and  the 
other,  can  it  be  repaired  or  modified?  A  few  days 
since,  in  common  with  the  great  mass  of  agriculturists 
in  Georgia,  we  should  have  answered  both  of  these 
questions  in  the  negative.  A  recent  visit,  however,  to 
our  friend  Gen.  Tarver  in  Twiggs  County,  and  a  min- 
ute examination  of  his  plantations  in  the  vicinity  of  his 
residence,  have  materially  changed  our  opinion.  His 
lands  there  are  as  hilly  and  broken  as  any  of  the  table 
lands  of  Georgia;  yet  upon  none  cleared  within  the  last 
few  years  was  there  a  single  gully  or  red  hill  to  be  seen, 
and  what  is  more,  none  will  ever  be  seen,  as  long  as  his 
present  system  is  practiced.  He  has  not  only  succeeded 
in  rendering  secure  and  permanent  his  fresh  land,  but 
has  also  taken  fields  abandoned  by  their  former  owners, 
and  which  are  trenched  by  gullies  thirty  and  twenty 
feet  wide  and  as  many  deep,  and  whose  hillsides  have 
been  too  poor  to  yield  the  poorest  grasses,  and  he  is 
resuscitating  and  restoring  them  to  a  condition  in  which 
they  will  again  be  productive,  filling  up  the  gullies,  and 
by  a  process  that  is  as  simple  and  economical  as  it  is 
successful. 

All  who  know  Gen.  Tarver,  know  that  he  is  one  of 
the  largest  and  most  successful  planters  in  the  South. 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  133 

He  indulges  in  no  theory  that  will  not  by  its  practical 
results  commend  itself.  The  system  by  which  he  has 
perfected  such  wonders  is  simply  in  his  fresh  lands  so 
to  conduct  the  water  by  trenches  as  to  prevent  washing, 
and  in  his  old  land  so  to  conduct  it  as  to  accomplish 
this  end  and  at  the  same  time  to  repair  the  washes  occa- 
sioned by  the  former  rush  of  the  water.  Before  we  had 
examined  Gen.  Tarver's  plantation  we  had  read  much 
about  and  seen  something  of,  hillside  ditches  and  cir- 
cular plowing,  but  had  no  conception  of  what  could  be 
accomplished  by  either  the  one  or  the  other.  His  suc- 
cessful experiments  have  enlisted  the  admiration  of  his 
neighbors  and  all  who  have  noticed  them.  He  has 
demonstrated  the  truth  and  practicability  of  the  theory 
that  he  has  practiced;  and  if,  as  it  has  been  said,  he  is 
a  public  benefactor,  who  can  cause  two  straws  to  grow 
where  before  but  one  grew,  Gen.  Tarver  is  entitled  to 
that  epitaph.  None  can  visit  his  Twiggs  plantation 
without  being  forcibly  struck  with  what  Georgia  would 
now  be,  had  her  lands  been  tilled  by  such  agriculturists, 
or  what  she  would  yet  be,  were  they  under  the  control 
of  men  of  his  energy  and  practical  skill.     .     . 

5     BREAKDOWN  OF  THE  PLANTATION  SYSTEM  IN 
THE  CEREAL  PRODUCING  AREA 

Virginia  Gazette  (Williamsburg),  Oct.  22,  1767.  Advertisement  for  a 
"riding  boss"  (in  modern  southern  parlance),  to  manage  a  scattered 
slave  peasantry. 

Wanted  Soon  ...  A  Farmer,  who  will  under- 
take the  management  of  about  80  slaves,  all  settled 
within  six  miles  of  each  other,  to  be  employed  in  making 
of  grain.  Any  such,  well  recommended,  will  meet  with 
encouragement  by  applying  to  Mr.  John  Mercer  in 
Stafford,  or  to  the  subscriber  in  Williamsburg,  during 
the  sitting  of  the  present  General  Court. 

James  Mercer. 


134 


AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 


6    RECORDS  OF  A  RICE  PLANTATION 

Extracts  from  the  plantation  records  of  Louis  Manigault,  1833-1860, 
owner  of  the  Gowrie  and  East  Hermitage  estates,  operated  as  one 
plantation,  on  Argyle  Island,  Georgia,  on  Savannah  River  twelve 
miles  above  the  city  of  Savannah.  MSS.  in  the  possession  of  Mrs. 
Hawkins  Jenkins,  Pinopolis,  S.C. 

(A)     GENERAL   STATEMENT   FOR   1833-1839. 

I  purchased  my  Savannah  River  Plantation,  Jany, 
1833,  220  Acres  cleared,  80  uncleared  &  a  fine  Rice  mill 
&  50  Negroes  for  $40,000.,  viz:  the  Negroes  at  $300. 
each  =  $15,000.    The  place  $25,000. 

I  have  now  April,  1839,  Planted  &  sold  six  crops. 

Sent  to  market  in  1833     I  made  200  Bbls. 


1834 

"    380 

1835 

"    294 

1836 

"    389 

1837 

"    404 

1838 

"    578 

2245 

roll 

70 

During  these  years  I  made  at  my  mill  by  Toll 


Also  during  these  six  years  I  made,  but  did  not  sell, 
Dirtv  Rice 


2315 


50 


My  crop  this  last  year  averages  $4  pr.  100 
But  I  take  $3.  as  a  liberal  average  for 
the  last  six  years  ^ 


2365 
3.x  6         18. 


18920 
2365 

42570. 


I  estimate  my  Expenses  at  $2000.  per  an.  for  6  years         1 2000. 

Revenue  during  six  years  Dollars     30570- 

2  Barrels  of  rice  contained  six  hundred  pounds  each.  -  Ed. 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT 


^3S 


My  crop  planted  last  year  by  35  hands  on  193  Acres  pro- 
duced of  Rice  578  Bbls,  average  sale  $4.x  6=  $13,872.00 
Also  433  1/2  Bushels  Small  Rice  or  3  Pecks  to  each 
Barrel  of  Whole  Rice  at  $2.  pr.  Bush.  867.00 
Also  200  Bushels  of  Peas  planted  on  16  acres  200.00 
And  I  sold  Rice  flour  from  my  Mill  for  300.00 


But  I  gave  my  Negroes  the  small  rice  worth  $2.50  per 
bush,  instead  of  Corn  which  I  could  have  bought  for 
$1.00  per  bush. 


Cost  of  Negroes  pr.  annum  each  grown  hand 
52  Pecks  corn,  13  Bushels,  at  $1.  = 
Winter  and  Summer  Clothes 
Shoes 


13. 
7- 
I. 


15,239.00 


Doctor's  Bill 
Meat,  at  times. 
Salt,  Molasses. 

Neg 

Harry  (Driver) 

Stephen  (Miller) 

Bina 

London    (child) 

Charles 

Juna 

Nelly  (child) 

Nat  (Heargrove's 

child) 
Betsey 
Paul  (born  March, 

1839) 
Matty 

George  (Cooper) 
Peggy 
Jack 
Tommy 


roes  at  Gowrie,  April 
Amey 
Minty 
Rihna 

Billy  (child) 
Scotland  (child) 
Bina  (nurse) 
Sampson 
Kasina 
Benty  (purchased 

Feb'y,  1837) 
Chalotte  (do.) 
Sam  (child) 
Jenny  (child) 
Scipio 
Big  Lucy 

Ned   (trunk  minder) 
Julia 


$21. 


,  1839 
Young  Ned 
Little  Lucy 
Hanna 
Polly  (child) 
Susey 

Martha  (child) 
Betsey 

Peggy  (child) 
Fortune 
Joaney 
Catey 
Matty 
Chloe 

Mary  (cook) 
Abram 

Rachel  (cook  to  over- 
seer) 


136 


AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 


Jacob  Sam  (cooper)  Hector 

Nancy  Moses  Little  Charles 

Bob  Maria 

Binkey  Nanny 

Negroes  Bought  Feby,  1839 

Brave  Boy,  Carpenter,  40  years  old 

Phillis,  his  wife,  35 

Pompey,  Phillis's  son,  18 

Jack  B.  Boy  &  Phillis's  son,  16 

Chloe  child    do    do 

Primus  B.   Boy's  son,  21 

Cato  Child,  B.  Boy's  son 

Jenny  (Blind)  B.  Boy's  mother 

Nelly's  husband  in  town,  30 

Betty,  her  sister's  child  who  died  -  child 

Affey  Nelly's  child,-  child,  1 1 

Louisa  her  sister's  child  who  is  dead  -  child,  10 

Sarah,  Nelly's  child,  8 

Jack,  Nelly's  carpenter  boy,  18 

Ishmel,  Nelly's,  16 

Lappo  Phillis  &  Brave  Boy's,  19 

I  paid  cash  for  these  16  Negroes,  $640.  each  — 

$10,240.00 


(B)     LISTS  OF  NEGROES,  1857. 


List  of  Negroes  at  Gowrie,  this 


George  (Driver) 

Betty 

Nat 

Simon  | 

and       V    (In  house) 

Polly    j 

Captain  (Chimney 

Sweeper) 
Minda 
Mathias 
Julia 
Rhina 


Charles  (Trunk 

Minder) 
Juna 

Jack  (Short) 
Louisa 
Mendoza 
Elizabeth  &  Rebecca 

(Infants,  3  weeks) 
Scotland 
Tommy 
Catherine 
Phillis 


30th  April,  1857 

Hector  (Captain, 
Chief  boat  Hand) 

Joaney 

Tyrah 

How-qua 

Fortune,  Old  (Plan- 
tation Cook) 

Betsey    ( Carpenter's 
Cook,  Nurse) 

Cato 

Jack  Savage  (Head 
Carpenter) 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT 


137 


Amey  and  Mary 

Harry  (With  Car- 
penters) 

John  Izard  (Engineer 
and  Carpenter) 

Judy 

Clary 

Sary-Ann 

Primus 


Lucy 

Billy  (Carpenter, 

little  sense) 
Jenny 

Minty  &  Scotland 
Fortune,  runaway 

(Waiting  on 

Overseer) 
Binah  Currie 


London   (My  House 

Boy) 
Nancy  Hunt 
Abel 

George   (Carpenter) 
Dolly  (My  Cook  and 

Washer) 
Lydia    (House  Girl, 

12  yrs.) 


List  of  Negroes  at  Hermitage,  this  30th  April,  1857 


Ralph  (Driver) 
Clarinda  &  Maria 
Will  (Prime,  28  yrs.) 
Klima  &  Stephney 
Nanny  (Prime,  28 

yrs.) 
Abraham  11  yrs. 
August  8  yrs. 
Parker  (Prime,  18 

yrs.) 
Die,  Joe,  Rose, 

Martha 
Harriet  (Prime,  21 

yrs.) 

Celim 

Bella 

Quash 

Linda 

Clary  (Plantation 

Cook) 
William 


Cotta 

Martha 

Pompey 

Sarey  &  Jane 

Simon   (In  house. 
Cook) 

Deborah 

Jimmy  (Second  En- 
gineer, Fireman) 

Tilla 

Sam   (Died  of  pneu- 
monia,  March, 
1858) 

Bess 

Hector 

Betty  (Brister) 

Fortune  (Head  Bird- 
Minder  with  Gun, 
Prime,  20  yrs.) 

Sophy  (Prime,  44 
yrs.) 


Ann   (3/4  Hand,  22 

yrs.) 
Charles  (Prime,  45 

yrs.) 
Lucas 
Patty  (Prime, 

at  times  ailing,  43 

yrs.) 
Venus  (11  yrs.) 
Isaac 
Katrina  (Prime,  19 

yrs.) 
July  (Prime,  19  yrs.) 
Kate  (Prime,  18  yrs.) 
Andrew  (7  yrs.) 
Eve  (Old,  Quite  old, 

cost  nothing) 
Miley  (Prime,  21 

yrs.) 
Ishmael 
Betty  (Nurse) 


Camp  Guardians 

Daniel  (Old)  New  Comer,  cost  nothing.  Hannah 
old. 

N.  B.  Nineteen  New  Negroes  bought  this  January 
13th,  1857,  costing  $11,850,- being  at  an  average 
$623.70  for  each. 


138 


AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 


Number  Negroes  at  Gowrie 

do  "  East  Hermitage 

do  "  Camp 


48 

47 

2 


Total  this  May  3d,  1857  97 

Prime  Hands  S4-H- 

Gave  out  Summer  Clothes  this  Sunday,  May  3d, 

1857. 

Gave  out  Winter  Clothes  this  Sunday,  December 
13th,  1857.  And  every  Man,  Woman  &  Child  has  re- 
ceived a  blanket,  with  new  born  Infants,  One  Hundred 
in  number. 


(C) 

LISTS  OF  NEGROES  IN 

1 8  60. 

List  of  Negroes  at  Gowrie,  this  2 

2d  April,  i860 

John 

Jack,   Savage    (Chief 

Nancy  Hunt 

Nancy  Hunt 

Carpenter) 

George  ( Carpenter,  - 

George  -  Driver  - 

Amey 

Run     away     26th 

Betty 

John  Izard  (Carpen- 

Oct'n,   i860;    re- 

Minda 

ter,   Brick   Layer) 

turned  25th  Jan  y, 

Nat 

Clary 

1861) 

Martha 

Primus 

Simon  (Run  away  2d 

Julia 

Lucy  (With  Over- 

January, 1861 ;  re- 

Charles (Trunk 

seer) 

turned  25th  Janu- 

Minder) 

Billy  (Carpenter) 

ary,  1861) 

Juna 

Jenny 

Polly  &  Moses 

Jack  (Short) 

Dolly 

Lydia 

Louisa 

Scotland 

Captain 

Mendoza 

Fortune    ( Ran   away 

( Drowned 

In 

Tommy 

again  April,  i860. 

in  river 

Catherine 

Sold  in  Savannah, 

June,  i860) 

irxuuo 

Hector  (Post  Boy) 

May,     i860,     for 

Dolly 

Joaney  (Plantation 

$1200,   as  he   was 

Nancy   (Gowrie) 

Cook) 

always        running 

Martha  (Age  22  yrs., 

Tyrah 

off) 

a     fine     Mulatto 

Betsey  (Old,  Carpen- 

Abel 

Woman  given  me 

ter's  Cook) 

Binah  Currie 

by  my  Fat! 

ler,  to 

PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT 


139 


act  as   Nurse  &c  Charleston,    May,  months   after,  -  no 

for    our    Child.-  1861,  caught  four  longer  with  me) 

Ran       away       in 

We  purchased  in  July,  i860  for  $500  of  Mr.  James 
R.  Pringle  of  Charleston,  So.  Ca.  a  Driver  named 
"John"  who  is  at  present  the  only  Driver  on  the  Planta- 
tion, both  George  and  Ralph,  our  former  Drivers,  be- 
ing broken.  Driver  John  is  44  years  of  age.  Mr.  Ca- 
pers, our  Overseer,  tells  me  he  has  had  much  trouble 
with  the  Negroes  the  past  Summer  and  several  Run- 
aways. Two  are  now  out  since  October  25th,  i860, 
and  not  a  word  has  been  heard  of  them  -  December, 
i860.-  Several  children  died  suddenly,  the  past  summer 
at  the  Camp. 

N.B.  I  gave  blankets  to  every  Man,  Woman  and 
Child  on  the  plantation,  Dec'r,  i860. 

On  25th,  January,  1861,  all  our  Runaways  (5  in 
number)  were  brought  in  through  fear  of  the  dogs. 
Our  Children  were  poisoned  at  the  Camp  by  Old  Bet- 
sey. 

List  of  Negroes  at  Hermitage,  this  22d  April,  i860 


Ralph  (Driver) 

Clarinda 

Maria 

Will   (Runaway 
Dec'r,  i860;  re- 
turned 25  th  Jan'y, 
1861) 

Parker 

Harriet 

(Venter's  Child) 

Celim 

Bella 

Quash 

Linda 

Cotta 


Clary   (Plantation 
Cook) 

CuflFy 

Joe 

Rose 

Pompey 

Sarey 

Jane 

Pussy 

Jimmy,  Engineer 
(Ranaway  nth 
Jan'y,  1861;  re- 
turned in  a  week, 
&  I  let  him  off) 


Tilla 

Nelly 

Bess 

Stephney  (Best 

Ploughman) 
Nanny 
Abraham 
Hannah  (Old) 
Hector  (Ran  away 

26th  Oct'r,  i860; 

returned  25th 

Jan'y,   1861) 
Betty  Brister 
Rachel 


140 


AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 


Sophy 

July 

Katrina  &  York 

Ann 

Kate 

Ishmael 

Charles  Lucas 

Andrew 

Betty,  Nurse 

Patty 

Miley 

Deborah 

Venus 

Isaac 

At  Camp 

Daniel  (old) 

Phlllis  (old) 

Martha 

Eve  (old) 

Cato 

August 

Born  since  last  April 

Polly's  Moses  Jenny's  Dolly 

Katrina's  York  Sarey's  Pussy 

Gave  out  Summer  Clothes  this  Sunday,  22d  April, 
i860. 

Gave  out  Winter  Clothes  this  Sunday,  2d  December, 
i860. 

N.B.  Gave  out  Blankets  to  All  the  field  Hands  this 
year,  according  to  Rule,  viz :  Once  every  third  year. 


(D)     OPERATIONS;    1855  to  i860. 

Gowrie  and  East  Hermitage  Plantations, 
Savannah  River 


1855 

Oct'r 

To  Middleton  Factors,    Oct'r    1855 

to 

Dr. 

1856 

Oct'r   1856 

• 

^1,994.42 

Jan'y    i 

ic          cc 
cc       21 

''  Overseer's   Wages  for  past  year 
''  A.  A.  Solomons  (Medicines) 
'  W.  H.  May  &  Co.  (Belting,  &c.) 
'  Dr.  W.  G.  Bullock     . 

• 

700.00 

30-57 
43-54 
14.00 

cc          cc      < 

Feb'y  I 

'  A.  McAlpin  &  Bro.  (Lumber) 
''   R.  &  J.  Lacklison 

• 

217.09 
272.77 

"       6 

'   Dr.  J.  McP.  Gregorie 

^ 

58.00 

May 

'■'■  J.  M.  Eason  &  Bro.  (improving  Tresher) 

900.00 

54^230.39 

[Summary  of  crops  and  earnings],  1855- 1856. 
[Marketed  betvi^een  Oct.  25,  1855  and  Apr.  4,  1856,  in 
nine  shipments  to  Charleston,  22,805  bushels  rough  rice 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  141 

and  995  bu.  clean  rice,  sold  at  4^  to  3^)^  cents  per  lb. 
in  a  declining  market,  yielding  $25,869.35  gross  and 
$20,867.58  net.] 

Nett  Amount  of  Sales  as  per  Credit,  $20,867.58 

Plantation  Expenses  as  per  Debit,  4,230.39 


Proceeds  from  Gowrie  &  East  Hermitage,  $I5>637.I9. 

Remarks :  Considering  the  immense  losses  We  have 
experienced  during  the  past  three  years,  the  Cholera 
having  swept  ofif  in  1852  and  1854  rnany  of  our  very 
best  hands,  a  destructive  freshet  visiting  us  in  August, 
1852,  just  in  the  midst  of  harvest,  (damaging  to  a  great 
degree  not  only  the  standing  Crop,  by  rendering  the 
grain  soft,  of  a  dingy  Colour,  &  almost  unfit  for  market, 
but  causing  also  a  vast  quantity  of  Volunteer  &  light 
rice  in  the  Crop  of  1853.)  I^  thinking  also  of  the  ever 
memorable  Hurricane  of  8th  September,  1854,  ^^^^ 
moon,  &  wind  N.E.,  the  salt  water  direct  from  the 
Ocean  submerged  the  plantations  on  Savannah  River, 
such  a  thing  not  having  happened  for  fifty  years,  the 
Consequence  being  that  We,  on  Savannah  River,  made 
only  ^  of  a  Crop,  ourselves  8000  Bushels  instead  of 
four  times  that  amount,  most  of  the  Crop  Cut,  and  in 
small  stacks,  swept  away,  and  the  entire  plantation 
strewed  with  loose  rice,  a  vast  injury  to  the  Crop  of 
1855.  Considering  all  this;  I  do  not  complain  of  our 
present  Crop.  Rice  this  year,  caused  as  is  supposed  by 
the  now  pending  Crimean  War,  has  been  very  high,  & 
our  entire  crop  has  sold  well.  I  lost  my  Overseer,  Mr. 
S.  F.  Clark,  of  Consumption  in  Dec'r,  1855,  but  since 
the  last  Cholera  (Dec'r,  1854)  we  have  lost  no  one  of 
any  Consequence,  and  perfect  health  has  prevailed  on 
the  plantation.  My  Thresher  was  much  out  of  order, 
but  the  boiler  has  been  added  to,  &  power  increased  &c, 


142  AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

all  being  in  good  order  for  the  next  Crop.    Besides  the 
above  quantity  of  Rice  sent  to  market  in  Charleston,  I 
have  kept  back  fifteen  hundred  bushels  for  seed. 
Gowrie  (Savannah  River)  ist  May,  1856. 

1856  Dr. 
Oct'r       To  Middleton  &  Co.   Factors,  Oct'r,  '56 

to  Oct'r,  '57             .                .                .  ^2,094.66 
1857 

Jan'yi    "    Overseer's  Wages  for  past  year           .  300.00 
"      6    "   Wall's  Pine  Land  called  "Camp"   771 

Acrs.           ....  2,250.00 

"      8    "   Estate  John  Poole  (Painter)  Savannah  60.00 
"    ^3    "    %   Cash  on  $11,850 — 19  Negroes   at 

;^623.70  Average     .               .               .  3,950.00 

"    16    "  McAlpin  &  Bro.  Lumber                     ,  308.54 

"     "    "  O.  Johnson.     Shoes  for  Plantation            .  88.35 

"     "     "  Sullivan  (Elevating  Cups)      .                .  13*50 

"    "     "   W.  H.  May  &  Co.  (Belting  &c.)               .  34.82 

"   29    "  Carson  (Shingles)     .               .               .  50.00 

July    7    "  O.  Johnson  &   Co.  (Shoes)        .               .  18.85 

"   Claghorn  &  Cunningham       .                .  29.03 

"do                       do       .                .                .  6.03 

"  Wm.  Lake,  6  oar'd  boat  36:2  "  How-qua  "  100.00 

"  Goodrich  (Grocer)          .               .                .  45-10 

"  Nevitt,  Lathrop  &  Rogers  (Dry  Goods)  36-31 

"       do            "                  do              .               .  34-47 

"   Sundries      ....  100.00 

$9,519.66 

[Summary  of  crops  and  earnings],  1856- 1857. 

[Marketed  between  Nov.  10,  1856  and  Mch.  6,  1857, 

in  four  shipments,  15,590  bu.  rough  rice  and  700  bu. 

clean  rice,  at  3^  to  3  J^  cents,  yielding  $15,921.04  gross, 

and  $12,661.27  net.] 

Nett  Amount  of  Sales  as  per  Credit  $12,661.27 

Plantation  Expenses  as  per  Debit  9,519.66 


Proceeds  from  Gowrie  &  East  Hermitage  $  3,141.61 

Upon  the  death  of  my  Overseer  (loth  Dec'r,  1855) 
I  was  left  alone  on  the  plantation.    We  soon  finished 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  143 

threshing  the  Crop  &  I  went  to  work  preparing  the 
lands  for  the  next  year.  There  were  many  applications, 
as  Overseers,  for  this  place,  but  none  pleased  us.  The 
latter  part  of  February  was  now  approaching,  still  we 
had  no  Overseer.  At  last  we  were  recommended  (by 
Mr.  Wm.  Bull  Pringle  of  Charleston,  S.  C.)  a  young 
man  who  had  acted  as  Sub-Overseer  for  2  or  3  years 
upon  his  Brother's  (Mr.  R.  Pringle's)  Plantation  on 
Black  River,  about  20  miles  from  Georgetown,  So.  Ca. 
Mr.  Leonard  F.  Venters,  24  yrs.  of  age  reached  this  on 
2 1  St  Feb'y,  1856.  He  struck  me  as  being  very  young; 
I  explained  however  all  Concerning  our  mode  of 
"water  Culture"  &  how  our  Crops  were  treated  on  Sa- 
vannah River,  a  very  diflferent  method  being  used  here 
from  what,  I  was  told,  they  used  on  other  rivers,  where 
black  soil  could  not  stand  the  water  which  these  stiff 
clay  lands  did,  &c.  We  commenced  planting  on  the 
15th  March,  &  finished  the  entire  tract  of  638  Acres 
(all  Open  plant)  on  3d  May,  when  we  began  to  hoe 
Rice  and  I  left  the  plantation  for  the  summer.  Venters 
made  two  great  and  fatal  mistakes.  He  drew  off  his 
"Sprout  Water"  too  rapidly,  prostrating  his  rice  to  the 
ground,  &  again  he  kept  his  fields  dry  too  long,  before 
he  could  get  at  them  to  give  first  hoeing.  His  rice  was 
all  stunted,  sickly,  and  grass  took  him.  We  have  made 
one  half  a  Crop.  He  says  "he  will  do  better  another 
year,  that  now  he  sees  into  it",  and  as  is  well  known, 
"Never  change  an  Overseer  if  You  can  help  it".  We 
try  him  once  (but  only  once)  more.  We  have  purchased 
19  Negroes,  amongst  them  13  prime  hands  Costing  in 
all  $11,850.  Also  771  Acres  High  Land  on  Georgia 
Main,  for  Cholera  Camps,  Children's  Summer  resi- 
dence, &c.  Costing  $2,195.  We  have  been  blessed  with 
health  during  the  past  year,  &  now  as  hope  ever  bears  us 


144 


AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 


onward,  I  try  to  forget  the  past,  looking  forward  with 
brighter  expectations  for  the  Coming  Season,  that  We 
may  be  blessed  with  "the  kindly  fruits  of  the  Earth  so 
that  in  due  time  we  may  enjoy  them". 
Gowrie,  (Savannah  River),  ist  February,  1857. 

Dr. 

To  Middleton  &  Co.  Factors,  Oct'r  1857 
to  Oct'r  1858 


1857 
Oct'r 


$1,880.81 


1858 

April 


Bs.     seed 
•  142  Bbls. 


Jan'y  30 


blankets) 


"    Middleton  &   Co.    1450;^ 
Rice  at  $1.20  $1740.60- 
at  87^^  cents  ;^I24.25 
(part  of  this  Rice  sent  to  Silk  Hope) 

"    Overseer's  Wages  for  past  year 

"    R.  &  J.  Lacklison     . 

"    Boyle  Henderson  (ploughs) 

"    O.  Johnson  &  Co. 

"    W.  G.  Dickson  (Grocer) 

"    A.  A.  Solomons 

"    Ross  &  Co. 

"    Nevitt,  Lathrop  &  Rogers  (flann 

"    R.  B.  Donnoly 

"    A.  McAlpin  &  Bro. 

"    Dr.  W.  Gaston  Bullock  (for  Hector's  eye) 

"    R.  A.  Allen  &  Co.  (Shingles) 

$4,918.23 

[Summary  of  crops  and  earnings],  1857- 1858. 

[Marketed  between  Nov.  17,  1857  and  Apr.  5,  1858, 
in  five  shipments,  20,336  bu.  rough  rice  and  990  bu. 
clean  rice,  at  2  13/16  to  3^^  cents,  yielding  $16,978.98 
gross  and  $12,964.68  net.] 

Nett  Amount  of  Sales  as  per  Credit  $12,964.68 

Plantation  Expenses  as  per  Debit  4,918.23 


1,864.85 

300.00 
32.76 
20.00 

10.75 
10.46 

44.56 

76.29 

270.40 

9318 

167.60 
51.00 
95-57 


Proceeds  from  Gowrie  and  East  Hermitage  $  8,046.45 

My  expectations  with  regard  to  the  Overseer's  im- 
proving upon  his  past  year's  sad  experience  were  vain. 
Mr.  Venters  did  do  a  little  better  than  before,  as  far  as 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  145 

an  increase  in  the  Crop  was  concerned,  but  very  little, 
moreover  elated  by  a  strong  and  very  false  religious 
feeling  he  began  to  injure  the  plantation  a  vast  deal, 
placing  himself  on  a  par  with  the  Negroes,  by  even 
joining  in  with  them  at  their  prayer  meetings,  breaking 
down  long  established  discipline,  which  in  every  Case 
is  so  difficult  to  preserve,  favouring  and  siding  in  any 
difficulty  with  the  people,  against  the  Drivers,  besides 
Causing  numerous  grievances  which  I  now  have  every 
reason  to  suppose  my  Neighbours  knew;  &  perhaps  I 
was  laughed  at  and  ridiculed  for  keeping  in  my  employ 
such  a  Man.  I  discharged  Mr.  Venters,  and  on  8th 
January,  1858,  engaged  Mr.  Wm.  H.  Bryan,  a  mar- 
ried Man  aged  31  yrs.  with  a  Wife  and  two  Children. 
He  is  very  highly  recommended  by  Dr.  King,  &  highly 
spoken  of  as  a  good  planter  and  man  of  Character.  I 
give  him  $800.  for  the  year  1858.  The  plantation  be- 
ing overrun  with  Volunteer,  I  have  used  for  the  first 
time  the  sub-soil  plough  &  I  think  to  advantage.  I  have 
also  planted  the  entire  Tract  in  new  seed,  viz :  194  Acres 
in  Ogeechee  Inland  Swamp  Rice  &  the  remainder  of 
the  plantation  in  Gov'r  Allston's  Celebrated  George- 
town seed  purchased  in  Charleston  at  $1.20.  I  now 
leave  the  plantation  (April,  1858)  with  Mrs.  Manigault 
for  Europe  until  December  next.  I  can  judge  of  the 
stand  of  400  Acres,  viz:  ist  &  2d  planting  which  thus 
far  looks  well. 

(The  sub-soil  ploughs  proved  a  failure,  our  lands  drain 
well  enough  without.) 
Cowrie  (Savannah  River)  20th  December,  1858. 

[Summary]   1858-1859 

Nett  Amount  of  Sales  as  per  Credit  $10053.00 

Plantation  Expenses  as  per  Debit  6784.74 


Proceeds  from  Gowrie  and  East  Hermitage  $  3268.26 


146  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

The  Crop  of  1858,  W.  H.  Bryan  Overseer,  has  turned 
out  wretchedly.  From  what  I  can  learn  since  my  return 
from  Europe  and  after  spending  the  entire  winter  of 
'58,  '59  on  the  plantation,  there  has  been  gross  neglect 
&  great  want  of  attention  on  the  part  of  the  Overseer. 
For  the  first  time  we  allowed  the  Overseer's  family  to 
reside,  during  the  summer,  at  our  pine  land  Tract  called 
"Camp",  leaving  it  to  Mr.  Bryan,  when,  &  how  often, 
he  should  visit  them.  He  took  advantage  of  this,  & 
for  days  did  not  visit  the  plantation,  neglecting  all 
things.  I  have  been  without  an  Overseer  since  January 
I  St  to  8th  April  &  have  planted  one  half  of  our  present 
Crop  myself.  I  have  had  very  great  difficulty  in  get- 
ting off  the  thin  stubble  of  last  year,  the  winter  too  hav- 
ing been  mild  with  much  rain.  The  Spring  has  been 
very  Cool,  &  on  Sunday  24th  April  We  had  frost,  Ther. 
35°,  killing  some  of  the  tender  Sprouts  of  the  Rice, 
without  destroying  the  entire  plant,  yet  backening  the 
Crop  much,  and  Causing  it  to  look  yellow.  On  8th 
April,  1859,  Mr.  Wm.  Capers  Jr.,  an  Overseer  of  high 
rank  &  standing,  who  has  managed  two  years  for  GovV 
Aiken  on  Jehossee  Island,  &  had  much  experience  as 
Overseer  near  Georgetown  &c,  takes  charge,  at  the  rate 
of  One  thousand  Dollars  per  Annum,  the  highest  Salary 
We  have  yet  paid.  Mr.  Capers  has  numerous  enemies, 
but  even  by  these  he  is  recognized  as  a  Competant  Man- 
ager of  a  Rice  Crop,  &  a  Capable  &  intelligent  Man. 
He  is  a  fine  looking  Man,  44  yrs.  of  age,  &  has  with  him 
a  Wife  and  six  Children. 
Gowrie  (Savannah  River),  3d  May,  1859. 

[Summary]  1859- 1860 

Nett  Amount  of  Sales  as  per  Credit  $13593-36 

Plantation  Expenses  as  per  Debit  7654.82 


Proceeds  from  Gowrie  and  East  Hermitage  $  5938.54 


PLANTATION   MANAGEMENT  147 

Upon  Mr.  Capers'  taking  Charge  (8th  April,  1859) 
he  found  the  plantation  in  a  great  state  of  disorder  and 
neglect.  I  told  him  I  knew  it,  and  that  I  had  been 
nearly  all  winter  hoeing  off  the  thin  stubble,  for  I  could 
not  get  it  to  burn,  &  I  had  only  had  time  sufficient  to 
rake  out  the  ditches  in  a  rough  way  before  the  planting 
had  overtaken  us.  He  pointed  out  to  me  that  the 
ploughs  had  been  skipping  ground,  &  doing  very  bad 
work.  He  immediately  proposed  throwing  out  fifty 
Acres  of  the  worst  volunteer  squares,  planting  twenty 
Acres  in  Cow  peas,  &  not  planting  the  remaining  thirty, 
to  which  I  agreed.  The  truth  is  on  a  plantation  to  at- 
tend to  things  properly  it  requires  both  Master  &  Over- 
seer. Mr.  Capers  has  not  made  a  large  Crop,  but  he 
says  it  was  much  on  a/c  of  the  bad  Condition  in  which 
he  found  the  plantation,  &  I  believe  him,  &  am  satisfied 
thus  far  with  him,  feeling  that  he  has  had  no  Chance. 
We  have  bought  two  new  Mules  this  winter,  working  in 
all  six  mules.  During  the  past  winter  Mr.  Capers  has 
done  much  work.  He  has  cut  a  new  Canal  through 
two  Squares,  on  the  upper  portion  of  the  plantation, 
which  I  think  will  be  of  service.  We  have  for  the  first 
time  used  the  double  horse  ploughs,  turning  the  lands 
much  deeper  than  previously.  The  past  winter  has  not 
been  severe,  and  the  Spring  has  been  very  favorable  for 
the  rice.  Strange  however  We  had  hardly  a  shower  in 
April,  the  Showers  coming  in  May  &  June."  We  plant 
again  this  year  fifty  Acres  in  dry  Culture,  viz :  in  sweet 
potatoes  &  Cow  peas.  I  place  Confidence  in  Mr.  Ca- 
pers. He  has  had  a  good  beginning  this  year,  &  all  the 
rice  which  is  up  thus  far  looks  as  well  as  I  have  ever 
seen  Rice  in  this  stage  looking. 
Gowrie  (Savannah  River)  24th  April,  i860. 

3  Kept  this  &  wrote  it  in  June-  Grig. 


148  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

(E)     PLANTATION  JOTTINGS,  1845. 

Mr.  Basshaw  says  he  gives  as  Christmas  Holidays  3 
entire  week  days,  half  a  peck  of  small  Rice  Extra,  to- 
bacco, &  molasses,  &  Pork  3  lbs.  each ;  at  harvest  3  lb. 
Pork  &  Molasses  each  week  alternately  -  &  Pork  once 
or  twice  during  the  summer  when  the  work  is  hard  in 
hoeing  &c.  Molasses  &  tobacco  2  or  3  times  during  the 
year  -  to  children  Molasses  frequently,  with  a  little  pork 
frequently  when  out  at  pine-land. 

ist  Jan'y  1845:  Mr.  McMillan  King  informs  me 
that  his  Father  purchased  Mr.  Young's  Estate  on  Sa- 
vannah River  on  ist  Jan.  1838  for  $110,000,  Containing 
500  Acres  Rice  Land,  1000  Acres  high  Land  on  Geor- 
gia Shore,  &  190  Negroes,  a  fine  Rice  Mill,  Settlement 
good,  Flats,  boats,  &c.  But  the  most  agreeable  feature 
of  the  purchase  was  that  Mr.  King  sold  out  $60,000  of 
U.S.  Bank  stock  to  pay  it  just  before  the  Bank  failed. 

Mr.  McMillan  King,  who  manages  for  his  father, 
says  he  has  Never  made  more  than  1050  Barrels  of  Rice 
off  of  the  500  Acres,  which  is  a  poor  interest  after  pay- 
ing the  great  Expenses.  The  Negroes  have  not  de- 
creased, perhaps  now  number  3  or  4  above  the  number 
purchased.     .     . 

7th  April  1845:  I  this  day  (being  50  years  of  age) 
walked  up  to  the  High  ground  on  Mr.  Guerard's  Estate, 
where  I  have  a  Negro  house  for  my  Negro  children  to 
reside  in  summer,  built  on  a  piece  of  Land  which  Mr. 
D.  Heyward  bought  from  Mr.  McPherson  for  this 
purpose  &  permitted  me  also  to  put  a  dwelling  on  it  for 
the  children  -  which  has  proved  of  great  benefit  as  a  re- 
treat from  the  bad  summer  climate  of  our  rice  fields 
for  children.  .  .  Mr.  Porcher,  who  manages  Mr. 
Guerard's  Estate,  says  there  are  there  120  Negroes,  but 
only  about  45  workers  &  that  this  year  he  only  plants 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  149 

220  in  Rice,  besides  40  or  50  in  dry  Culture-  He  in- 
forms me  that  The  Tract  formerly  owned  by  Mr.  Hugh 
Rose  (just  above  alluded  to)  was  recently  purchased 
by  a  Mr.  Winkler  of  Savannah  for  $5,000,  That  Mr. 
Bullae's  plantation  just  opposite  to  it  on  the  Georgia 
Shore  has  been  recently  purchased  by  a  Mr.  Dillon  for 
$4000.  He  (Dillon)  has  been  keeping  a  grog  shop  in 
Savannah  for  several  years,  &  made  his  money  by  trad- 
ing with  Negroes,  &  has  already  established  a  grog  & 
trading  shop  on  his  new  purchase.-  Mr.  J  as.  Potter  tells 
me  this  nth  April  1845  that  Mr.  H.  Rose  upwards  of 
20  years  ago  purchased  this  place  for  $36,000,  &  paid 
$10,000  Cash.  But  never  could  make  any  thing  on  it  to 
effect  another  payment,  &  all  His  other  property  being 
mortgaged  he  abandoned  this  place  to  the  former  own- 
ers in  January  1837  without  any  further  paymt.  I  told 
Mr.  Potter  this  nth  April  that  "If  he  buys  Mr.  Wil- 
liamson's Plantation  of  20  or  230  Acres  lieing  between 
his  brother  Dr.  Potter's  plantation  (called  Tweedside) 
&  his  (called  CoUeraine)  that  I  should  like  to  purchase 
from  him  his  tract  of  240  Acres  on  Argyle  Island  ad- 
joining my  plantation."  Should  it  ever  happen  that 
he  offers  it  for  sale  I  must  remember  what  he  stated  to 
me  this  day,  viz:  "that  at  the  sale  of  my  Plantation  in 
183 1  Mr.  McAlpin  bid  $18,000  when  he  (Mr.  Potter) 
bid  $19,000,  &  that  it  was  knocked  down  to  Mr.  McAl- 
pin for  $20,000,  these  being  the  only  three  bids.-  I  after- 
wards, viz:  in  1833,  gave  Mr.  McAlpin  $25,000  for  it, 
which  latter  price  estimating  my  fine  Rice  Mill  at  only 
$7,500  puts  the  Cleared  land  at  $70,  &  the  Uncleared 
@  $37  per  acre.  Mr.  Potter's  land  next  to  me  is  good 
clay  land,  just  like  mine,  but  it  has  been  worked  some 
years  longer  than  mine,  but  putting  it  at  the  same  price 
[Concluded  on  page  166] 


150  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

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1 66  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

as  I  paid  for  mine,  viz :  $70  per  acre,  it  will  be  for  the 
240  Acres,  $16,800,  &  much  less  if  sold  at  the  price  at 
which  he  stopped  bidding  for  mine  in  i83i  (viz, 
$19,000).  This  Tract  adjoining  me  is  at  a  great  dis- 
tance from  Mr.  P.'s  Settlement  [i.e.,  plantation  head- 
quarters, negro  yard,  etc.],  having  to  cross  two  rivers, 
&  a  canal  in  flatting  the  crop  from  it,  to  the  Barn  yard 
on  the  Georgia  main.- Mr.  James  Potter  says  his 
brother  Dr.  P.  plants  in  all  500  Acres,  &  this  last  season 
made  30,000  Bushels  whereas  he  planting  550  Acres 
did  not  make  near  as  much.     .     . 

I  asked  Mr.  Rowell  (Dr.  King's  Overseer)  this  after- 
noon respecting  that  Plantation  at  the  head  of  Argyle 
Island.  He  says  the  whole  tract  calls  for  414  acres  of 
Rice  Land.  Dr.  King  has  on  it  72  Negroes.  The  work- 
ers, full  &  halves  taken  together,  make  35  full  Hands 
or  42  hoes.  Plants  this  year  230  acres  in  Rice  &  20  in 
Corn. 

15th  April  1845:  Allen  Smith  informed  me  that  he 
pays  Dr.  Wragg  settled  in  Savannah  $1.50  per  head  for 
to  attend  to  all  his  Negroes  by  which  the  Doctor  en- 
gages to  go  up,  say  eight  miles  by  water,  whenever  he 
is  wanted  there,  merely  by  a  boat  being  sent  for  him  - 
so  that  if  there  are  100  Negroes  he  gets  for  all  his  Serv- 
ices $150,  without  any  charge  for  Mileage  or  any  thing 
else.  Dr.  Pritchard  asked  me  I  think  $1.25  per  head 
for  his  medical  services  during  the  year,  but  I  preferred 
going  by  the  visits. 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  167 

8    MANAGEMENT  OF  SCATTERED  PLANTATIONS 

Letters  of  John  B.  Lamar,  1844  to  1849,  to  his  sister  Mrs.  Howell  Cobb 
and  her  husband,  Howell  Cobb,  then  Member  of  Congress.  Colonel 
Lamar  was  managing  Mr.  Cobb's  plantations  as  well  as  his  own, 
and  other  properties  of  the  family,  lying  in  the  counties  near  Macon, 
Georgia,  and  in  southwest  Georgia  and  Florida.  The  letters  are 
dated  at  Macon,  Lamar's  headquarters,  and  addressed  either  to 
Athens,  Ga.,  or  Washington  City.  MSS.  in  the  possession  of  Mrs. 
A.  S.  Erwin,  Athens. 

(a)     To  Howell  Cobb  Macon,  Jan.  8,  1844. 

Dear  Howell :  I  returned  from  the  Hurricane  on  Sat- 
urday evening,  when  I  found  things  rather  at  sixes  & 
sevens.  But  I  hope  we  shall  be  able  to  get  everything 
straight  for  another  crop.  Gibson  went  oft,  &  left  the 
crop  of  corn  in  the  field  ungathered,  or  there  would  not 
be  any  difficulty,  but  what  could  be  overcome  very 
easily. 

They  are  gathering  &  housing  the  corn  as  fast  as  pos- 
sible. But  every  hour  that  is  spent  at  that  business  be- 
longs of  right  to  getting  in  &  fencing  two  hundred 
acres  of  fresh  cotton  land.  If  I  can  possibly  have  that 
land  got  in,  in  time,  I  shall  calculate  very  surely  on 
making  250  bags  of  Cotton  at  that  place  this  year.  But 
I  am  not  sure  of  being  able  to  do  so,  with  the  backsets 
Gibson  has  -  intentionally,  I  believe  -  thrown  in  the 
way.  If  it  is  possible,  it  will  be  done  I  think,  as  I  am 
very  much  pleased  with  our  new  man  Harvey.  I  like 
his  ideas  &  mode  of  doing  business  well. 

I  hope  the  corn  will  last  us  until  the  next  crop  is  ready 
for  use.  As  it  is  not  yet  housed,  I  cannot  tell  exactly. 
But  I  rather  think  it  may  be  made  to  hold  out. 

I  had  the  hogs  killed  while  I  was  there  &  had  the 
meat  all  salted  away,  before  I  left.  The  weight  was 
7500  lbs.  It  will  require  several  thousand  more,  say 
3000. 


1 68  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

The  cotton  crop  is  ginning  as  fast  as  possible.  There 
are  lo  bags  packed  at  the  plantation.  Seven  ginned  and 
ready  for  packing,  and  about  26  or  7  in  the  seed.  Har- 
vey says  that  Gibsons  account  w2ls,  that  v^ith  the  cotton 
sent  off  to  Sav[annah]  &  that  at  the  plantation,  there 
would  be  about  1 10  bags. 

I  shall  have  four  mules  to  buy,  &  you  must  furnish 
the  money,  out  of  the  crop  of  last  year.  There  are  nov/ 
16  on  the  place,  but  I  vs^ish  to  run  20  ploughs  this  year. 

With  that  number  of  ploughs  &  the  energy  &  "new- 
broom"  zeal  of  Harvey,  I  think  the  old  Hurricane,  will 
astonish  the  natives  in  Baldwin  &  Jones  who  have 
looked  upon  it  as  an  old  worn  out  place.  To  view  it 
from  the  road  it  is  an  unsightly  place,  truly.  But  take 
it  upon  the  whole  I  had  rather  have  it  than  any  place 
of  the  same  number  of  acres  I  know  of  anywhere; 
Sumpter,  Lee  &c  not  excepted. 

If  I  am  only  able  to  get  in  the  200  acres,  above  spoken 
of,  I  only  ask  a  tolerable  season  to  make  250  bags.  I  am 
not  dealing  in  hyperbole  at  all,  but  rather  underesti- 
mate than  otherwise,  as  with  such  a  season  as  '42,  I 
should  calculate,  to  overgo  that  number  considerably. 

(b)     To  Howell  Cobb  Macon,  March  17,   [1844    ?]. 

Dear  Howell :  I  have  just  this  evening  returned  from 
the  Hurricane  where  I  have  spent  a  week  in  organizing 
for  a  vigorous  campaign  against  grass,  &  in  favour  of 
Messrs  Corn,  Cotton  &  Pork.  I  think  I  have  succeeded 
in  infusing  an  "esprit  du  corps"  into  our  forces  there, 
which  will  be  proven  by  the  result  next  winter. 

We  have  been  unable  to  get  in  the  200  acres  of  land 
joining  Dr.  White,  of  which  I  told  you,  on  account  of 
having  to  gather  Gibson's  crop  of  corn  &  to  hawl  off 
cotton  &  repair  the  fencing  around  the  whole  planta- 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  169 

tion,  which  he  was  pleased  to  leave  in  a  wretched  fix. 
The  bad  weather  in  January  caused  much  delay  in  our 
progress;  the  whole  crop  of  corn  had  to  be  gathered  in 
baskets  &  carried  out  to  the  road  by  hand  as  the  earth 
in  the  field  was  so  wet  as  not  to  admit  of  the  passage  of 
a  waggon  over  it.  This  you  may  imagine  was  tedious, 
but  it  was  the  only  chance. 

Notwithstanding  all  this  backset,  I  shall  have  400 
acres  of  very  good  ground  in  cotton,  which  will  yield 
200  bales  of  cotton  averaging  400  lbs.,  I  think;  also  250 
acres  of  land  in  corn,  which  will  make  an  abundance; 
&  fifty  acres  in  oats.  The  hogs  look  well ;  so  with  the 
additions  which  I  have  made  to  the  stock  by  purchasing 
all  of  the  hogs  owned  by  the  negroes,  I  think  we  can 
raise  every  pound  of  meat  for  another  years  consump- 
tion. 

If  I  live,  I  intend  another  winter  not  only  to  fence 
in  all  of  the  cleared  land  on  the  place,  but  to  set  to  work 
&  make  horizontal  ditches  on  the  hill  sides,  so  as  to 
prevent  the  fresh  land  from  being  torn  into  gullies  by 
washing  rains.  The  300  acres  of  new  ground  cannot 
be  excelled  as  cotton  land  by  any  land  I  have  ever  seen, 
but  as  it  lies  rolling,  it  would  soon  wash,  as  it  is  so  light 
&  mellow,  if  pains  is  not  taken  to  prevent  it. 

I  wish  to  begin  next  winter,  if  the  other  business  of 
fencing  does  not  prevent,  to  prepare  to  build  by  de- 
grees good  framed  negro  houses,  with  brick  chimnies. 
Before  doing  this  I  will  show  you  an  estimate  of  the 
cost,  which  will  not  be  much,  with  the  aid  of  the  ex- 
perience I  have  in  such  matters. 

I  have  told  you  before  that  I  was  pleased  with  the  old 
Hurricane.  I  have  looked  over  it  again  &  repeat,  I 
would  not  give  it,  if  it  was  mine,  for  no  plantation  of 
2200  acres  of  land,  in  Georgia. 


I70  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

By  making  the  permanent  improvements,  I  have  in 
view,  &  in  the  course  of  a  few  years  reducing  the  force 
to  25  or  30  hands,  it  will  be  rich  inheritance  for  your 
children,  instead  of  an  old  worn  out  place,  as  it  has  been 
considered. 

Dr.  Little,  the  Physician  of  Mr.  Gibson's  patroniz- 
ing, called  to  see  me,  while  at  the  Hurricane,  with  his 
bill  of  $500.00.  I  gave  him  the  plainest  talk,  -&  I 
reckon  myself  tolerable  good  at  a  plain  job  -  that  he  has 
ever  had  since  he  left  his  Ma's  knee,  I  expect.  He  left, 
determined  on  plunging  into  law,  up  to  the  eye-brows, 
which  course  I  advised  him  to  pursue.  I  spoke  rudely 
to  the  Dr.  as  I  considered  his  account  a  part  of  a  system 
of  plunder  that  has  been  going  on  against  you.  I  told 
him  so.  But  there  was  some  "method  in  my  madness", 
as  I  intended  my  remarks  as  precepts  for  the  overseer 
&  neighbours,  in  future  cases.  The  effect  will  be 
good.     .     . 

(c)     To  Howell  Cobb  Macon,  May  5,  1844. 

Dear  Howell :  Yours  of  the  9th  was  waiting  for  me 
on  my  return  from  Jefiferson,  where  I  had  gone  to  give 
out  summer  clothes.  Linam  desired  that  I  would  delay 
any  engagement  for  another  years  service,  until  my  re- 
turn in  Novr.  I  found  out  that  he  &  his  wife  are  desir- 
ous of  moving  to  Ala.  next  year  was  the  reason  of  desir- 
ing delay.  Altho  I  was  loth  to  do  so  I  consented  to  put 
off  the  matter  so  long,  inasmuch  as  I  expect  he  will  be 
unable  to  move  next  year  &  will  consequently  stay  with 
us.  I  like  his  management  &  tractability  and  as  the 
negroes  like  him  too,  I  am  anxious  to  retain  him. 

The  crop  looks  very  well  in  despite  of  the  excessive 
drought.  In  some  sections  the  cotton  has  never  come  up 
&  in  others  where  it  is  up  it  is  dying  for  want  of  rain. 
My  places  &  Cherry  hill  are  lucky  in  a  good  stand,  & 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  171 


good  looking  cotton.  The  corn  is  small,  but  looks  green 
&  shows  no  disposition  to  twist  &  turn  yellow,  like  some 
I  have  seen.  How  we  fare  at  the  Hurricane  I  am  not 
apprized,  I  go  there  in  the  morning  &  will  write  on  my 
return. 

Tell  Aunt  Sylvia  that  Polly  and  Eliza  are  well  & 
look  as  lively  as  two  crickets.  Polly's  occupation  is  to 
carry  water  in  the  fields  to  the  hands.  Eliza  amuses 
herself  by  driving  up  the  cows,  &  turning  out  the  calves, 
and  has  learned  to  sing  out  like  an  old  drover.  They 
seem  so  pleased  with  life  at  Cherry  hill,  that  I  think 
they  will  be  unwilling  to  exchange  it  for  a  residence  at 
the  Cowpens  or  Athens  when  their  mistress  comes 
home.     .     . 

(d)     To  Howell  Cobb  Macon,  Feb.  17,  1845. 

Dear  Howell :  I  have  just  received  yours  of  the  12th 
and  hasten  to  answer  it. 

With  reference  to  the  Florida  estate  the  arrangements 
for  making  a  crop  this  year  with  the  negroes  was  the 
only  saving  one  I  could  make  under  the  circumstances, 
as  to  have  removed  them  to  Georgia  would  have  been 
to  have  thrown  away  all  the  corn,  meat  &  other  et 
ceteras,  besides  not  having  any  place  for  them  here. 

And  my  suggestions  as  to  dividing  them  or  farming 
jointly  hereafter  with  them  &  the  Andrews  negroes,  was 
based  on  what  I  thought  the  impracticability  of  selling 
to  advantage  in  Florida,  and  I  could  not  bear  the  idea 
of  bringing  them  off  to  Georgia  &  selling  them  to  be 
separated  from  each  other. 

As  Mr.  Levy  wishes  to  purchase  I  am  willing  to  sell 
the  whole  establishment.  Andrew,  I  know,  would  pre- 
fer the  money  to  the  negroes.  You  can  tell  Mr.  Levy 
for  me  that  he  can  have  them  at  an  average  of  $350, 
three  hundred  &  fifty  dollars.      The  negroes  are  un- 


172  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

usually  likely,  as  he  no  doubt  is  aware  was  the  general 
character  of  Maj.  Robinson's  negroes.  In  the  lot  is  a 
superior  Blacksmith,  a  wheel  wright,  a  shoemaker  who 
understands  tanning,  a  weaver,  a  plain  cook,  and  a  pas- 
try cook.  The  young  negroes  are  as  likely  and  intelli- 
gent as  I  ever  saw.  Maj.  Robinson  was  attentive  to  the 
morals  of  his  negroes,  and  they  bear  the  reputation  of 
being  honest,  among  all  the  neighbors.  There  are  thir- 
ty six  of  them  in  number,  at  present  &  the  prospect  of 
an  accession  of  one  or  two  more,  by  birth. 

If  Mr.  Levy  is  desirous  of  taking  the  whole  lot  at  the 
price  named,  I  will  meet  him  at  any  time  he  may  desig- 
nate at  Marianna  and  shew  him  the  negroes  &  conclude 
the  trade.  In  the  meantime  he  can  consult  the  follow- 
ing citizens  of  Jackson  County,  Florida,  who  acted  as 
appraisers  at  the  division  of  the  estate,  &  are  I  believe 
among  the  leading  men  of  that  county  as  to  the 
character  &  value  of  the  negroes,  viz:  Col.  Wm.  Mc- 
Nealy,  I.  G.  Rowlac,  Esq.,  I.  I.  Edwards,  Elijah  Bryan, 
Thomas  M.  White. 

If  Mr.  Levy  wishes  to  purchase,  ask  him  in  designat- 
ing a  time  to  meet  me  at  Marianna,  to  name  some  day 
antecedent  to  the  month  of  June,  as  although  an  ad- 
mirer of  the  balmy  atmosphere  of  Florida,  in  the  winter 
&  spring,  I  being  of  a  bilious  habit  &  terribly  opposed 
to  mosquitos,  would  dislike  a  summer  visit  there. 

And  let  me  say  in  your  private  ear,  if  he  is  not  dis- 
posed to  give  350  $  average,  do  not  let  the  bargain  be 
broken  off  as  I  will  take  something  less.  But  the  terms 
must  be  cash  -  have  that  understood.     .     . 

(e)     To  Howell  Cobb  Macon,  Feb.  19,  1845. 

.  .  .  Cotton  is  dull  -  prices  have  receded  a  little 
and  the  whole  world  of  planters,  buyers  &c  are  on  tip 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  173 

toe  for  the  news  by  the  steamer  which  left  Liverpool  on 
the  4th  February.  My  prayers  are  fervent  for  advices 
of  a  ha'penny  advance  &  large  sales,  great  demand  for 
cotton  goods,  spinners  prosperous,  corn  plenty  &  all  that 
sort  of  parlance,  so  interesting  to  us  poor  toads  under  a 
harrow,  yclept  planters  of  cotton.     .     . 

(f)     To  Mrs.  Howell  Cobb  Macon,  Dec.  2,  1845. 

.  .  .  Your  life  for  two  years  [i.e.,  as  a  congress- 
man's wife]  has  been  on  the  two  extremes.  Mine  is  so 
much  the  same  way  that  I  know  just  how  it  is.  I  am  one 
half  the  year  rattling  over  rough  roads  with  Dr.  Physic 
&  Henry,  stopping  at  farmhouses  in  the  country,  scold- 
ing overseers  in  half  a  dozen  counties  &  two  states 
( Florida  &  Geo.) ,  and  the  other  half  in  the  largest  cities 
of  the  Union,  or  those  of  Europe,  living  on  dainties  & 
riding  on  rail-cars  and  steamboats. 

When  I  first  emerge  from  Swift  Creek,  into  the 
Hotels  and  shops  on  Broadway  of  a  summer,  I  am  the 
most  economical  body  that  you  could  imagine.  The 
fine  clothes  and  expensive  habits  of  the  people  strike  me 
forcibly.  I  think  like  John  Grier,  in  one  of  Howell's 
tales,  of  my  "poor  land,"  and  how  hard  my  money 
comes,  concluding  that  such  things  may  answer  for  rich 
folks  but  don't  suit  me.  In  a  week  I  become  used  to 
everything  -  and  in  a  month  I  forget  my  humble  con- 
cern on  Swift  Creek  &  feel  as  much  a  nabob  as  any  of 
them :  -  none  of  Frost's  clothes  seem  high  &  Cozzens 
Champaign  appears  moderate,  very,  at  two  dollars  a 
bottle.  .  .  We  are  very  much  like  chameleons  in  our 
ideas,  -  they  take  their  dimensions  very  much  from  the 
objects  that  surround  us.  At  home  when  everything  is 
plain  &  comfortable,  we  look  on  any  thing  beyond  that 
point  as  extravagant.    When  abroad  where  things  are 


174  AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

on  a  greater  scale,  our  ideas  keep  pace  with  them.  I 
always  find  such  to  be  my  case.  And  if  I  live  to  a  hun- 
dred I  reckon  it  will  always  be  so.     .     . 

(g)     To  Howell  Cobb  Macon,  Apr.  12,  1846. 

.  .  .  I  returned  from  Florida  on  the  2nd.  You 
never  wrote  me  what  Levy  said  about  buying  those  ne- 
groes in  Florida.  I  am  so  tired  of  travelling  night  & 
day  through  those  pine  woods  that  I  feel  like  letting 
my  interest  ofif  like  a  county  bridge  -  to  the  lowest  bid- 
der to  be  rid  of  the  annoyance.  I  am  taken  away  from 
home,  from  important  business,  &  jolted  to  death  in  the 
stage,  &  what  I  dislike  worse,  thrown  into  constant  com- 
pany of  my  relations  about  it,  &  it's  all  to  be  of  no  profit 
to  any  of  us  in  its  present  shape.  I  tried  to  swap  my 
share  to  Andrew  for  his  Early  lands  [i.e.  in  Early 
county,  Ga.],  &  offered  my  share  of  the  Andrews  negroes 
to  boot,  to  be  quit  of  it.  But  he  hemmed  &  ha'd  &  didn't 
know  whether  he  would  do  it  or  not,  until  I  got  so  nerv- 
ous that  by  way  of  relief  I  mounted  a  hard  trotting 
horse  &  rode  a  half  a  day  in  the  pine  woods,  for  relief. 
Damn  his  Early  lands,  I  had  no  particular  use  for  them, 
only  that  it  would  be  a  happy  exchange  of  a  quiet  piece 
of  property  for  a  troublesome  one.  The  lands  would 
lie  still  &  not  bother  me,  like  the  negroes,  and  when  I 
would  go  to  look  at  them  I  would  have  no  Uncles  & 
Auntys  &  Cousin  this,  that  &  tother  in  that  neighbor- 
hood. I  wish  Levy  would  buy  the  negroes,  for  FU  be 
shot  if  I  know  what  to  do  with  them. 

I  go  to  the  Hurricane  tomorrow.  I  heard  from  Jef- 
ferson direct  yesterday.  They  are  getting  on  well  & 
have  a  promising  crop.  But  Linam  left  us  precious  lit- 
tle in  the  way  of  Corn,  fodder  &  meat  to  go  on. 

As  soon  as  I  go  "the  grand  round,"  I  will  come  up 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  175 

to  the  Cowpens,  say  about  the  25th  inst.    I  want  to  see 
you  &  have  a  long  talk  on  matters  &  things  in  general. 

I  have  hired  waggons  to  hawl  off  the  balance  of  the 
Hurricane  Cotton.  Harvey  makes  so  much  there,  it 
takes  all  the  year  to  get  it  to  market.  35  bags  have  been 
hawled  of  the  150  which  were  left  over  at  the  planta- 
tion. Cotton's  rising  thank  God,  I  hope  it  will  stay  up 
until  all  is  got  to  market.     .     . 

PS  Tell  Sister,  trotting  down  to  Florida  has  put  me 
as  much  out  of  sorts  as  before  I  went  to  Europe.  I  wish 
to  God  I  could  go  over  again  this  year  but  its  out  of  the 
question.  I'll  go  next  year  certain,  if  I  dont  die  on  the 
road  to  Florida.  I  have  to  go  down  again  in  June- 
just  think  of  that  will  you,  to  divide  the  land  and  cows, 
as  Col.  John  Milton  failed  to  meet  me  according  to 
promise  on  the  15th  March  for  the  purpose  of  division. 

(h)     To  Mrs.  Cobb  Macon,  Apr.  22,  1846. 

.  .  .  While  I  was  absent  I  had  a  young  negro 
woman  killed  by  a  mule.  She  was  riding  him  from  the 
field  to  the  house  with  the  other  plough  hands,  and  had 
the  traces  wound  up  to  form  a  sort  of  stirrup.  The  mule 
shied  out  of  the  road  &  threw  her,  &  her  feet  hitching 
in  the  traces,  she  was  dragged  to  death.  She  was  a  sister 
of  Philip,  named  Luncinda,  about  20  years  old  &  re- 
markably likely.     .     . 

(i)     To  Howell  Cobb  Macon,  Dec.  29,  1846. 

.  .  .  I  am  up  to  my  eyebrows  in  business  just  now, 
I  have  just  this  day  moved  my  squadron  off  to  Sumpter. 
I  only  returned  from  Florida  last  week,  where  I  put  my 
little  family  in  motion  for  the  same  destination  as  those 
who  have  gone  today.  I  go  to  Baldwin  tomorrow  to  see 
a  new  overseer  installed  at  the  Hurricane  &  then  push 
back  to  see  a  new  one  I  have  at  my  Bibb  place,  and  then 


176  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

away  as  fast  as  I  can  scamper  to  Sumpter  to  put  a  new 
overseer  to  work  there  on  a  plantation  almost  as  new  to 
me  as  to  him.  If  I  had  been  brought  up  a  business  man, 
&  was  systematic,  I  should  get  on  very  smoothly,  but 
never  taking  to  business  until  30  years  of  age,  I  find  my- 
self frequently  with  matters  of  importance  calling  my 
attention  &  presence  at  two  places  100  miles  apart  at  the 
same  time.  I  can't  be  at  both  places  at  once,  and  things 
go  wrong  &  annoy  me.  But  I  do  the  best  I  can  &  that  is 
all  a  man  can  do. 

(j)     To  Howell  Cobb  Macon,  Jan.  lo,  1847. 

With  reference  to  my  management  of  the  Trust  estate, 
it  is  not  conducted  to  advantage  by  any  means.  I  am 
dissatisfied  with  its  condition  &  prospects,  but  how  to 
better  them  I  can't  devise  under  the  circumstances.  My 
health  is  such  that  I  cannot  attend  to  it  &  my  own  busi- 
ness as  I  should  like.  If  my  health  was  good,  my  busi- 
ness I  guess  together  would  wear  out  an  iron  frame, 
scattered  as  it  is,  and  addle  a  better  head  than  mine. 
Then  to  cultivate  so  much  thin  &  even  poor  land  with 
such  an  able  force  looks  like  throwing  work  away.  I 
have  an  opportunity  of  purchasing  a  tract  in  Baker  of 
2000  acres,  600  cleared  and  ready  for  cultivation.  I  can 
get  it  cheap  at  8000  $  and  have  i,  2  &  3  year  (without 
interest)  to  pay  it  in.  The  hands  sent  to  it,  say  half  your 
force  or  less,  would  pay  for  it  out  of  the  crops  easily, 
without  calling  on  the  Baldwin  crop  at  all.  But  you 
see  my  own  interests  come  in  to  prevent  my  acceding 
to  the  offer. 

I  have  established  a  large  planting  interest  in  Sump- 
ter, having  purchased  2500  acres.  Of  this  I  have  paid 
for  one  place  5500  $  already  &  have  i  &  2  years  to  pay 
4000  for  the  other.  Now  you  see  at  one  extremity  of 
this  land  &  joining  the  first  place  I  bought,  I  have  a 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  177 

neighbor  owning  600  acres  of  most  superior  land,  which 
I  shall  buy  to  add  to  my  last  purchase,  which  will  make 
me  one  place  of  unequalled  fertility.  And  at  the  other 
extremity  I  have  a  chance  of  buying  from  an  estate 
1200  acres,  joining  the  second  purchase,  which  added  to 
it  will  make  a  plantation  scarcely  inferior  to  the  above 
named.  All  put  together  will  make  an  investment  of 
24,000  $.  I  have  already  paid  5500  $.  I  shall  be  able 
to  pay  say  5000  $  out  of  the  crop  of  this  year.  And  then 
I  shall  have  14,000  $  to  pay  in  one  &  two  years.  This  is 
pretty  extensive  business  for  one  so  scary  as  I  am  about 
pecuniary  responsibility.  But  I  have  ciphered  it  out 
and  it  can  be  done  without  risk.  With  the  arable  land 
I  already  have  and  what  is  on  the  two  places  to  be  pur- 
chased, considering  the  quality,  for  it  is  all  fresh  &  rich 
as  river  bottoms,  I  can  pay  through  easy.  I  have  made 
my  calculations  safely.  I  have  estimated  my  crops  at 
i/3rd  less  than  an  average  &  calculated  on  6  cents  per 
pound  for  cotton,  &  I  can  pay  out  &  have  a  surplus. 
After  this  recital  you  see  I  shall  be  too  heavy  laden  to 
take  on  the  Baker  place  for  the  Trust  estate  until  I  get 
through  with  Sumpter. 

Lord,  Lord,  Howell  you  and  I  have  been  too  used  to 
poor  land  to  know  what  crops  people  are  making  in  the 
rich  lands  of  the  new  counties.  I  am  just  getting  my 
eyes  open  to  the  golden  view.  On  those  good  lands, 
when  cotton  is  down  to  such  a  price  as  would  starve  us 
out,  they  can  make  money.  I  have  moved  i/3rd  of  my 
force  to  Sumpter.  I  shall  move  another  i/3rd  this  fall 
or  winter,  leaving  the  remaining  i/3rd  to  cultivate  the 
best  lands  on  my  Bibb  place.  This  year  I  shall  do  bet- 
ter than  I  ever  have  done,  &  next  I  shall  do  better  than  I 
ever  expected  to  do.  This  year  I  shall  cultivate  very 
little  poor  land  &  next  year  I  shall  not  waste  labour  on 


178  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

a  foot  of  unprofitable  soil.  All  will  be  of  the  ist  qual- 
ity. When  I  work  through  I  will  try  &  help  you  on- 
ward to  the  promised  land.  But  for  2  years  after  the 
present  one,  I  shall  be  up  to  my  chin  in  responsibility. 
I  hate  responsibility,  but  I  have  figured  it  out,  that 
unless  I  take  some  as  other  prudent  folks  do  I  shall  be 
like  John  Grier  of  Chack  farm  cultivating  poor  land 
all  my  life,  which  I  am  resolved  not  to  do. 

(k)     To  Howell  Cobb  Macon,  May  16,  1847. 

.  .  .  The  crop  of  this  year  promises  to  exceed  that 
of  last  year  so  far.  At  any  rate  you  have  more  land 
planted  in  cotton  and  we  may  safely  calculate  on  300 
bags  I  think,  and  there  is  every  prospect  now  that  it  will 
command  a  remunerating  price.  I  shall  have  a  new 
screw  at  the  Hurricane  &  have  the  bags  to  average  400 
lbs.  this  next  crop  at  both  places.  300  bags  at  400  lbs. 
the  bag,  at  10  cts.  would  bring  12,000  $.  This  is  count- 
ing chickens  before  they  are  hatched,  but  present  pros- 
pects promise  that  result.  If  it  does  turn  out  so  it  will 
look  more  like  paying  debts  than  the  prices  of  many 
years  past.  But  even  such  a  result  is  small  to  what  your 
income  ought  to  be,  during  good  prices,  if  your  prop- 
erty was  properly  balanced.  You  have  a  large  and  ef- 
fective force  of  hands,  more  effective  than  any  of  the 
same  number  I  know  of  in  the  State.  But  they  cultivate 
a  large  proportion  of  poor  land,  and  there  is  not  enough 
of  even  poor  land  in  Baldwin  for  them  to  be  properly 
employed.  This  will  not!  must  not  be,  much  longer! 
Thirty  good  hands  are  sufficient  to  cultivate  all  the  rich 
spots  on  these  old  places  in  Baldwin.  That  number 
could  be  employed  as  profitably  there  as  anywhere  else, 
as  there  is  some  land  there  that  is  rich.  Now  think  of 
your  having  nearly  90  hands  that  work  out,  only  one 
third  paying  any  profit,  while  all  the  rest  have  to  be  fed, 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  179 

clothed  &c.  just  as  expensively  as  if  they  were  at  work 
on  good  land.  At  low  prices  for  cotton  such  a  system 
will  not  much  over  pay  expenses.  At  high  prices  it  will 
pay  just  enough  to  make  a  body  sigh  over  what  they 
could  do  if  the  remaining  two  thirds  were  profitably 
employed,  in  place  of  being  an  expense.  Thirty  hands 
at  the  Hurricane  ought  to  make  150  bags  of  cotton. 
Sixty  more  on  good  lands  in  Sumpter,  Lee  &  Baker,  the 
worst  years  they  have,  would  make  300  bags  -  450  bags 
of  cotton  is  the  least  you  ought  to  make  &  the  least  you 
would  make  if  your  business  was  balanced  properly  & 
managed  with  only  ordinary  energy.  This  would  be  a 
minimum  crop  to  be  safely  calculated  on.  More  energy 
&  attention  in  a  good  crop  year  would  swell  it  to  over 
500  bags.  The  increase  of  your  negroes  (&  they  in- 
crease like  rabbits)  would  soon  carry  the  figures  much 
higher,  &  10  or  twelve  years  ought  to  double  them. 
Now  this  is  no  fancy  work.  It  is  "true  as  preaching." 
But  cut  my  calculation  -  which  is  moderate  -  down  to  a 
crop  of  400  bags  for  your  force  on  good  lands,  which  is 
little  over  4  bags  to  the  hand  &  at  10  cents  it  would 
bring  you  16,000  $  -  6  cts.  it  would  bring  about  $10,000 
-  and  even  at  5  cts.  it  would  bring  8,000  $.  So  you  see 
with  proper  disposition  of  your  force,  a  few  years  of 
good  prices  would  pay  any  kind  of  debts,  &  then  if  cot- 
ton should  fall  to  the  distressing  rates  current  for  some 
past  years,  or  even  to  the  lowest  price  we  have  known 
in  1842,  there  would  be  enough  to  allow  2500  $  for  ex- 
penses and  leave  5500  $  for  a  man  to  live  like  a  prince 
on  &  yet  be  able  to  add  to  his  landed  property  as  the 
income  &  growth  of  his  young  negroes  demanded. 

I  have  been  asleep  to  my  interests  for  10  years.  I 
have  just  woke  up  from  a  regular  Rip  Van  Winkle  nap 
&  found  every  body  round  me  advancing  &  I  just  hold- 


i8o  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

ing  my  own  on  poor  lands,  that  were  (most  of  them) 
exhausted  before  I  ever  saw  them.  In  my  zeal  of  a  new 
convert  to  the  doctrine  of  "progress"  - 1  went  down  to 
Sumpter  and  bought  17,500  $  worth  of  choice  land 
while  cotton  was  selling  at  6  cents  &  land  low  in  propor- 
tion. I  have  paid  $5500  of  that  amount  &  if  my  crop 
this  year  don't  pay  the  balance  of  12,000  &  leave  me  a 
handsome  surplus  I  shall  think  myself  very  unlucky. 
And  my  planting  arrangements  are  not  this  year  fully 
developed  either,  as  I  do  not  get  possession  of  one  plan- 
tation (included  in  the  above  named  purchase)  until 
next  Christmas.  When  I  get  that  &  divide  my  force 
into  three  plantations  &  cultivate  lands  as  rich  as  any 
in  Georgia,  I  shall  begin  to  reap  the  benefits  of  my  new 
energy. 

I  have  intended  as  soon  as  I  paid  for  my  lands,  which 
from  the  rise  in  Cotton  I  can  now  do  with  one  crop  (in- 
stead of  two  as  I  expected  when  I  bought)  to  select  a 
place  &  purchase  it  for  your  hands.  But  the  rise  in  Cot- 
ton has  increased  the  value  of  lands  awfully.  You  can 
judge  of  the  ideas  of  people  as  to  the  appreciation  in  the 
value  of  cotton  lands,  from  the  fact  that  my  neighbors 
estimate  my  purchases  as  worth  nearly  fifty  per  cent  on 
the  prices  I  paid.  But  "what  goes  up  must  come  down," 
as  the  school  boys  used  to  say  when  a  gourd  of  water  was 
thrown  over  the  heads  of  their  fellows.  Cotton  will  fall 
&  lands  will  fall  &  a  short  time  hence  we  may  find  an- 
other chance  of  buying.  Buy  we  must!  That  is  a  fixed 
fact,  there  is  no  getting  around  it.  It  must  be  done. 
The  fractions  on  the  Flint  River  are  choice  lands  and  by 
buying  some  lots  of  good  land  joining  we  might  make  a 
plantation  at  an  expense  of  4  or  5000  $,  but  then  it  would 
be  all  in  the  woods  &  have  to  be  cleared.  And  ham- 
mock land  is  awful  to  clear,  so  that  we  could  make 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  i8i 

nothing  on  the  place  for  nearly  three  years.  As  lands 
are  too  high  to  purchase  "an  improved  place,"  this 
course  may  be  best.  We  will  talk  of  it  when  we  meet. 
I  want  to  talk  matters  and  things  in  general  over  to  you 
&  you  must  prepare  to  be  bored  egregiously  when  I 
come. 

.  .  .  Aren't  party  matters  in  a  nice  snarl?  The 
Calhoun  men  will  ruin  us  in  Georgia  &  the  Northern 
Democrats  ruin  us  every  where.  I  think  the  "Crisis" 
of  this  country  is  coming  now  sure  enough.  If  the  Un- 
ion of  these  States  survives  the  next  administration 
(whoscver  it  may  be)  I  shall  think  it  will  last  forever. 
But  I  somehow  think  we  shall  all  blow  up  &  divide  off 
into  little  guerilla  parties  &  fight  each  other  for  the 
next  half  century.  If  I  can  see  straight,  there  are  awful 
clouds  lowering  over  the  Southern  States. 

(I)     To  Howell  Coh  Macon,  Feb.  7,  1848. 

Dear  Howell:  Having  two  trips  to  make  to  Florida 
I  have  been  run  oflf  my  legs  to  catch  up  with  my  business 
at  home,  and  as  soon  as  I  came  back  I  had  to  hurry  ofif 
to  the  Hurricane  &  Cherry  hill  to  set  things  going. 
Overseers  are  very  much  given  to  stretching  their  pre- 
rogatives in  matters  pertaining  to  their  own  inclinations, 
but  very  strict  constructionists  in  things  where  they 
ought  to  exercise  a  proper  judgement  in  the  absence  of 
their  employers.  The  hands  I  sent  up  from  Jefiferson  to 
pick  out  the  Hurricane  cotton,  would  I  expect  never 
have  been  sent  home,  unless  I  had  gone  &  seen  them  off 
myself. 

Lynam  made  a  miserable  crop  of  105  bags  of  cotton, 
and  a  crop  of  corn  that  will  not  last  more  than  half  the 
year.  In  view  of  which  in  connection  with  the  scarcity 
of  meat  there,  as  well  as  the  demise  of  the  three  horses 
you  bought  for  that  place,  which  with  a  full  force  of 


1 82  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

hands  would  render  the  purchase  of  several  mules  nec- 
essary, I  concluded  to  curtail  the  force  to  30  hands,  and 
have  sent  the  other  10  to  the  Hurricane  where  there  is 
plenty  of  corn,  more  meat  &  more  horse  power  &  where 
they  can  be  more  profitably  employed. 

I  am  getting  in  the  unfenced  fields  at  the  Hurricane, 
and  have  some  idea  of  purchasing  the  Widow  Harris' 
plantation,  which  joins  &  can  be  had  for  1500  $  I  think, 
and  establishing  two  plantations  joining  each  other,  if 
you  approve  of  the  plan.  The  Harris  place  and  a  por- 
tion of  the  Hurricane  lands  lying  out,  will  make  an  ex- 
cellent plantation.  And  by  concentrating  the  business, 
I  can  manage  it  more  efficiently,  at  one  half,  or  less,  of 
personal  wear  &  tear  in  riding  to  see  to  the  business.  As 
the  business  now  is,  it  worries  me  almost  to  death  to  at- 
tend to  it  properly.  And  as  long  as  I  pretend  to  attend 
to  it,  my  disposition  is  to  carry  on  everything  as  econom- 
ically, profitably  &  and  with  the  same  eye  to  the  future 
as  I  do  my  own  business. 

The  Hurricane  crop  will  amount  to  some  250  bags 
of  cotton  &  plenty  of  corn.  We  killed  there  85  hogs 
for  meat.  The  cotton  of  both  places  amounts  to  about 
355  bags,  which  owing  to  the  failure  in  Jefferson  is  45 
bags  short  of  my  calculation  when  we  planted.  There 
is  yet  about  100  bags  at  the  Hurricane  to  gin  &  pack, 
and  50  not  hauled  away.  I  have  drawn  on  Habersham 
for  the  wages  of  the  two  overseers,  400  $  each.     .     . 

(m)     To  Mrs.  Cobb  Macon,  Nov.  i8,  1849. 

My  dear  Sister :  .  .  .  I  left  particular  directions 
with  Mr.  Buckner  about  the  curing  of  your  hams.  I 
told  him  to  put  up  loo  hams  weighing  from  15  to  18  lbs, 
when  made  into  bacon.  He  professes  to  be  very  know- 
ing in  such  matters  &  I  hope  will  prove  so.  He  puts  a 
pinch  of  salt  petre  on  the  fleshy  part  of  the  ham.    He 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  183 

ashes  his  hams  he  says  in  leached  ashes,  &  says  they  will 
not  give  it  that  strong  Westphalia-ham  sort  of  flavour 
that  unleached  ashes  do.  He  says  to  keep  your  hams 
well  when  you  get  them,  you  ought  to  have  auger  holes 
bored  &  long  pegs  driven  into  the  scantling  on  the  sides 
of  your  smoke  house  &  lay  tw^o  lathes  on  the  pegs  to  put 
the  hams  on.  Lathes  are  better  than  board-shelves  as 
they  let  the  air  to  the  meat  freely.  The  hams  must  be 
laid  with  the  skin  side  down,  &  must  not  be  piled  on 
each  other  but  laid  in  single  rows.  There  will  be  con- 
siderable surplus  of  meat  at  the  Hurricane  this  next 
year  as  there  is  the  present.  There  will  be  about  31,000 
lbs  of  pork  killed  at  that  place  alone,  which  will  make 
nearly  20,000  lbs  bacon.  It  takes  nearly  16,000  lbs 
bacon  to  do  the  place,  1000  lbs  for  the  overseer-  i  or 
2000  lbs  hams  for  you  &  then  leave  i  or  2000  lbs  for 
"dodging",  which  may  mean  allowing  for  mistakes  in 
weighing  out  allowances  or  to  entertain  the  overseers 
company  or  stealage  or  any  casualties  that  nobody  can 
guard  against  who  dont  live  on  a  plantation.     .     . 

9  ILL  SUCCESS  IN  NONRESIDENT  PLANTING; 
ALABAMA,  1835:  EXPERIMENT  ABANDONED        l 

(a)  Letter  of  Daniel  McMichael,  Lowndes  County,  Ala.,  Sept.  lo, 
1835,  to  Thomas  Glover,  Orangeburgh,  S.C.  MSB.  of  this  and  the 
tAvo  following  letters  in  the  possession  of  A.  S.  Salley  Jr.,  Columbia, 
S.C. 

Dear  Sir:  Your  letter  came  to  hand  a  few  days  ago 
Requesting  me  to  See  Mr.  Bodie  if  he  wold  come  to 
Carolina  and  live  with  you  there  he  says  the  least  that 
he  will  come  for  is  $325  Dollars  and  you  bear  hs  ex- 
pences  and  let  his  wages  go  on  from  the  time  that  he 
starts  I  dont  beleve  that  you  can  get  a  better  man  than 
Bodie  he  can  get  $400  in  this  country  but  he  wants  to 
go  to  Carolina    I  wrote  to  your  Brother  Some  time  back 


1 84  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

abot  the  crop    I  am  sorry  to  inform  you  that  the  crops 
fallen  off  one  half  since  the  worms  is  taken  our  cotton 
crop  they  take  all  they  Small  bold  cotton  was  backward 
in  this  country  owing  to  the  dry  Spring  the  thruth  is  we 
may  Say  that  the  year  have  all  ben  dry  but  three  weeks 
which  came  the  right  time  for  corn  we  is  Burnt  up  now 
and  I  beleve  that  is  the  ca[u]se  of  the  worms  you  wish 
me  to  give  you  som  accont  of  what  we  will  make     I 
cannot  give  any  account  of  what  [we]  will  make  the 
worms  is  goin  on  and  destroy  half  g[r]own  holds  they 
are  generally  as  far  as  I  have  herd  from  our  crops  is  half 
lost  at  this  time  we  are  all  well  on  your  place  and  your 
Brothers     I  rite  a  few  lines  to  your  Brother  which  I 
hope  you  will  show  him  you  writen  to  me  to  now  the 
price  of  lands  and  negroes  they  have  ben  good  lands 
sold  here  for  less  than  cost  at  govenment  price  it  takes 
a  very  prime  fellow  to  bring  $500  dolls,  you  can  tell 
Mr  Hall  that  it  is  verry  unsertin  when  Wolf  Pon  land 
will  be  sold  it  may  not  be  Sold  in  five  years  to  come 
they  is  80  acres  of  the  estate  of  Williams  Pon  that  will 
sute  his  plan  with  a  good  house  on  it  but  no  cleard  land 
I  suppose  that  his  land,  will  be  sold  in  January  I  dont 
expect  to  make  near  as  much  Cotton  as  I  did  last  year 
and  I  dont  beleve  any  person  will  as  far  as  my  knowl- 
lege  extends,  every  creek  in  this  contry  is  dry  and  I  ex- 
pect that  our  cattle  and  hogs  will  perish  for  water  and 
perhaps  ourselves  nothing  more  at  present  but  Remain 
yours, 
[postage  25  cts.]  Daniel  McMichael. 

(b)     Letter  of  T.  W.   Glover,   Orangeburgh,   S.C,   SepL   21,   1837,   to 
Daniel  McMichael,  Lowndes  County,  Ala. 

Dr.  Mac :  I  regret  to  hear  from  yr.  letter  that  the  crop 
has  so  much  failed  but  there  will  be  one  consolation, 
the  hands  can  gather  it  sooner  &  be  out  here  earlier  - 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  185 

You  will  say  to  Mr.  Boddie  that  I  will  give  him  $325 
per  year  &  his  wages  beginning  the  day  he  starts  from 
Alabama -This  you  know  is  more  than  I  ever  gave 
&  I  now  do  so  on  your  recommendation  -  If  he  accept 
it,  I  wish  him  to  come  out  with  my  negroes  &  Stroman's 
as  soon  as  he  gathers  the  crop -The  sooner  he  is  here 
the  better  -  He  must  prepare  the  wagon  &  get  the  mules 
in  order -but  about  the  preparation  to  come  I  leave  to 
you  entirely  -  If  a  mule  or  horse  must  be  bought,  do  get 
one  cheap  as  they  are  very  low  here,  &  I  would  not  want 
more  than  2.-  You  will  oblige  me  by  selling  the  cotton 
as  soon  as  possible  so  that  all  our  debts  may  be  paid  & 
Mr.  B.  may  have  enough  to  bring  him  out -We  wish 
you  to  sell  everything  that  Mr.  B,  does  not  need  to 
bring  with  him.  If  you  think  the  corn  &  fodder  had 
better  be  kept  longer  do  so  -  After  you  have  paid  all  we 
owe  in  Alabama  &  yourself -you  may  send  the  balance 
of  the  money  by  Mr.  B.  if  you  can  get  So.  Ca.  Bills - 
if  not  wait  till  you  can  buy  a  draft  and  send  it  by  mail  - 
Let  Mr.  B.  have  all  our  receipts,  papers,  &c.  Let  us 
know  if  anyone  wants  our  place  at  a  fair  price  -  If  not 
can  it  be  rented  on  good  terms?  -  We  do  not  wish  it  neg- 
lected or  go  to  ruin  - 

Say  to  Mr.  B.  I  am  fixing  up  my  place  &  the  houses, 
&c,  will  be  in  good  order  -  You  would  hardly  know  it  - 
I  have  made  a  good  crop  of  corn,  &c,  &  have  had  no 
sickness.  It  is  a  very  healthy  place  -  I  wish  you  to  write 
to  me  by  the  earliest  mail  that  I  may  hear  from  you,  if 
pos,  by  20  Oct.  Good  health  &  good  corn  crops  here  - 
Sea  board  injured  by  storms,  &c. 

(c)     Letter  of  Daniel  McMichael,  Lowndes  County,  Ala.,  Oct.  11,  1837, 
to  T.  W.  Glover,  Orangeburgh,  S.C. 

Dear  Sir:  Yours  came  to  hand  last  evening  I  have 
perswaded  Mr  Bodie  to  except  the  offer    I  dont  know 


1 86  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

how  your  hands  will  go  to  travel  Riner  and  Emaline 
will  they  say  be  confind  about  the  last  December  or 
the  first  January  and  that  will  be  as  soon  as  they  can 
get  ready  your  new  ground  cotton  will  not  open  much 
until  frost  we  had  another  north  east  Storm  that  lasted 
from  Friday  until  Mon  evening  I  beleve  to  speak  in 
reason  that  I  have  lost  Ten  Bags  of  cotton  and  yours  in 
proportion  had  it  not  been  for  this  storm  we  wold  have 
made  more  cotton  than  we  expect  however  I  beleve  your 
crop  will  make  20  bags  yet  Mr  Bodie  has  16,000  wt 
seed  cotton  pict  out  and  I  have  36000  thousand  you  can 
inform  your  Brother  but  cannot  gin  for  the  want  of  rope 
the  river  fell  so  early  this  spring  that  no  person  in  my 
knowlege  has  rope  nor  bag  but  only  them  that  had  it 
left  from  last  year  corn  they  will  be  no  sale  now  for  it 
perhaps  it  will  sell  next  summer  and  lands  will  not  sell 
for  $3  per  acre  the  Twentieth  Section  that  join  your 
lands  is  offered  at  three  dollars  but  no  buyer  lands  will 
not  sell  in  this  country  for  five  years  to  come  they  is 
thousands  of  acres  that  will  be  sold  by  the  Sheriff  an  is 
selling  now  there  was  prime  land  sold  a  few  days  since 
at  70  cts  per  acre  as  to  rent  I  dont  beleve  they  will  be 
any  chance  for  that  you  must  rite  your  lowes  prices  per- 
haps some  person  may  come  traveling  along  that  might 
buy  Mr  Bodie  will  have  to  have  i  horse  you  say  they 
is  low  in  Carolina  it  [is]  not  the  case  here  you  can  in- 
form your  Brother  that  I  expect  to  make  50  bags  cotton. 

10    PLANTATION  BY-INDUSTRIES 

(a)  Letter  of  Alexander  Spotswood,  Governor  of  the  Colony  of  Vir- 
ginia, March  20,  17 10,  to  the  British  Council  of  Trade.  Virginia 
Historical  Society  Collections,  vol.  i,  72-74.  Depression  in  staples 
leads  to  diversification  of  industry. 

.  .  .  The  unhappy  circumstances  of  the  trade  of 
this  Colony  oblige  me  to  lay  before  your  Lordships  the 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  187 

consequences  which  I  am  apprehensive  it  may  have  on 
that  of  Great  Britain  v^ithout  the  application  of  some 
proper  and  speedy  remedy.  The  great  number  of  ne- 
groes imported  here  (so  long  as  there  remained  any 
money  or  credit  in  the  country  to  buy  them)  and  solely 
employed  in  making  tobacco,  hath  produced  for  some 
years  past  an  increase  of  that  commodity  far  dispropor- 
tioned  to  the  consumption  that  could  be  made  of  it  in 
all  the  markets  which  the  war  had  left  open,  and  by  a 
Natural  Consequence  Lowered  the  price  to  a  great  de- 
gree. This  was  first  felt  in  those  parts  of  the  country 
where  tobacco  is  reputed  mean,  and  the  people  being 
disappointed  of  the  necessary  supplies  of  cloathing  for 
their  familys  in  return  for  their  tobacco,  found  them- 
selves under  a  necessity  of  attempting  to  Cloath  them- 
selves with  their  own  manufactures.  And  the  Market 
for  tobacco  still  declining  and  few  stores  of  goods 
brought  in,  other  parts  of  the  country,  through  the  like 
necessity,  have  been  forced  into  the  same  humour  of 
planting  Cotton  and  sowing  Flax,  and  by  mixing  the 
first  with  their  wool  to  supply  the  want  of  coarse  Cloath- 
ing and  Linnen,  not  only  for  their  Negroes  but  for  many 
of  the  poorer  sort  of  housekeepers.  This  is  now  become 
so  universal  that  even  in  one  of  the  best  countys  for  to- 
bacco, I'm  credibly  informed  there  has  been  made  this 
last  year  above  40,000  yards  of  divers  sorts  of  Woolen, 
Cotton,  and  Linnen  Cloth,  and  other  countys  where  to- 
bacco is  less  valuable  have  no  doubt  advanced  their 
manufacturers  proportionably.  Tho'  this  be  at  present 
the  general  humor  of  the  country,  it  is  introduced  more 
by  necessity  than  by  inclination,  and  the  people  are  so 
little  skilled  in  this  kind  of  manufacture  that  they  will 
with  difficulty  attain  any  tolerable  perfection  in  it,  and 
own  that  what  they  make  now  costs  them  dearer  than 


1 88  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

that  they  usually  had  from  England,  when  their  tobacco 
bore  but  a  tolerable  price.     .     . 

(b)  Extract  from  A  Perfect  Description  of  Virginia  (London,  1649), 
reprinted  in  Peter  Force's  Tracts,  vol.  ii.  An  early  Virginia  planter 
as  captain  of  varied  industry. 

.  .  .  Worthy  Captaine  Matthews,  an  old  Planter 
of  above  thirty  yeers  standing,  one  of  the  Counsell,  and  a 
most  deserving  Common-wealths-man,  I  may  not  omit 
to  let  you  know  this  Gentleman's  industry. 

He  hath  a  fine  house,  and  all  things  answerable  to  it; 
he  sowes  yeerly  store  of  Hempe  and  Flax,  and  causes 
it  to  be  spun;  he  keeps  Weavers,  and  hath  a  Tan-house, 
causes  Leather  to  be  dressed,  hath  eight  Shoemakers 
employed  in  this  trade,  hath  forty  Negroe  servants, 
brings  them  up  to  Trades  in  his  house:  He  yeerly  sowes 
abundance  of  Wheat,  Barley  &c.  The  Wheat  he  selleth 
at  four  shillings  the  bushell;  kills  store  of  Beeves,  and 
sells  them  to  victual  the  ships  when  they  come  thither : 
hath  abundance  of  Kine,  a  brave  Dairy,  Swine  great 
store,  and  Poltery ;  he  married  the  Daughter  of  Sir  Tho. 
Hinton,  and  in  a  word,  keeps  a  good  house,  lives 
bravely,  and  a  true  lover  of  Virginia;  he  is  worthy  of 
much  honour.     .     . 

(c)  Extracts  from  the  "  Diary  of  John  Harrower,  Virginia,  1774.- 
'775>"  American  Historical  Revieiv,  vol.  vi,  91,  103,  105.  Spinning 
and  weaving  at  odd  hours. 

December  6,  1774.     Letter  to  Wife. 

There  grows  here  plenty  of  extream  fine  Cotton  which 
after  being  pict  clean  and  readdy  for  the  cards  is  sold  at 
a  shilling  the  pound;  and  I  have  at  this  time  a  great 
high  Girl  Carline  as  black  as  the  .  .  .  spinning 
some  for  me  for  which  I  must  pay  her  three  shillings 
the  pound  for  spinning  it  for  she  must  do  it  on  nights 
or  on  Sunday  for  any  thing  I  know  notwithstanding 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  189 

she's  the  Millers  wife  on  the  next  Plantation.  But  Im 
determined  to  have  a  webb  of  Cotton  Cloath  According 
to  my  own  mind,  of  which  I  hope  you  and  my  infants 
shall  yet  wear  a  part.     .     . 

Munday,  October  i6th,  1775.  This  morning  3  men 
went  to  work  to  break,  swingle  and  heckle  flax  and  one 
woman  to  spin  in  order  to  make  course  linnen  for  shirts 
to  the  Nigers,  This  being  the  first  of  the  kind  that  was 
made  on  the  plantation.  And  before  this  year  there  has 
been  little  or  no  linnen  made  in  the  Colony. 

Tuesday,  17th.  Two  women  spinning  wool  on  the 
bigg  wheel  and  one  woman  spinning  flax  on  the  little 
wheel  all  designed  for  the  Nigers.     .     . 

Saturday,  January  13th,  1776.  After  12  O  Clock  I 
went  six  Miles  into  the  Forrest  to  one  Daniel  Dempsies 
to  see  if  they  wou'd  spin  three  pound  of  cotton  to  run  8 
yds.  per  lb.,  2/3  of  it  belonging  to  Miss  Lucy  Gaines 
for  a  goun  and  1/3  belonging  to  myself  for  Vestcoats, 
which  they  agd.  to  do  if  I  carried  the  cotton  there  on 
Saturdy.  27th  Inst.     .     . 

Munday,  15th.  Miss  Lucy  spinning  my  croop  of  cot- 
ton at  night  after  her  work  is  done ;  to  make  me  a  pair  of 
gloves. 

Wednesday,  17th.  This  evening  Miss  Lucy  came  to 
school  with  Mr.  Frazer  and  me,  and  finished  my  croop 
of  cotton  by  winding  it,  after  its  being  doubled  and 
twisted  the  whole  consisting  of  two  ounces.     .     . 

Saturday,  27th.  After  12  pm  I  went  to  the  forrest 
to  the  house  of  Daniel  Dempsies  and  carried  with  mc 
three  pound  of  pick'd  Cotton  two  of  which  belongs  to 
Miss  Lucy  Gaines  and  one  to  me,  which  his  wife  has 
agreed  to  spin  to  run  8  Yds.  per  lb.,  I  paing  her  five 
shillings  per  lb.  for  spinning  it  and  it  is  to  be  done  by 
the  end  of  May  next.     .     . 


I90  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

(d)  Letter  of  George  Washington,  Mount  Vernon,  Jan.  23,  1773,  to 
Thos.  Newton  Jr.,  merchant  at  Norfolk,  Va.  MS.  copy  in  Washing- 
ton's hand,  in  the  Library  of  Congress,  George  JVashington  Papers, 
vol.  xvii,  85.     A  fishery  incidental  to  plantation  operation. 

To -Thomas  Newton,  Junr.  Esqr.  Marcht.  in  Nor- 
folk. 

Sir:  By  the  Liberty  Wm.  Heath  I  send  you  80  Barrl. 
of  Herrings  pr.  receipt  Inclosed;  which  please  to  dis- 
pose of  for  April  pay;  or,  if  price  can  be  enhancd  by  it, 
for  that  of  July- 

As  I  have  never  yet  sold  a  Barrl.  of  my  Fish  under 
15/  at  my  Landing-  as  I  know  them  to  be  good  (equal, 
if  not  superior  to  any  that  is  transported  from  this  Coun- 
try)-and  in  no  danger  of  spoiling  by  keeping,  being 
well  cured,  and  well  pack'd  in  tight  Cask;  I  shall  hope 
that  you  will  be  able,  between  this  and  the  coming  of  the 
New  Fish,  to  sell  these  for  15/  clear  of  Freight  &  Com- 
mission.- Some  of  the  same  Cargo  shipd  in  the  Fairfax 
by  a  Gentn.  to  whom  I  sold  them,  fetchd  25/  in  Ja- 
maica; when  other  Herrings  on  board  the  same  Vessell 
scarce  reachd  12/6,  &  some  again  sold  for  less  than 
10/  a  Barrell.- 

I  have  now  a  Vessell  waiting  (at  the  mouth  of  the 
Creek  on  which  my  mill  stands)  to  take  in  Flour  to  your 
address,  but  the  Ice  prevents  the  delivery  of  it- A  few 
days  may  produce  a  change,  and  enable  me  to  load  it  - 
The  quantity  to  be  sent  cannot  be  ascertaind;  as  the 
Stoage  of  the  Sloop  is  unknown;  perhaps  there  may  be 
about  200  Barrl.  of  Superfine  Burn  -  50  of  Midling 
Do.-  and  50  of  Bisquet  stuff,  as  it  is  supposed  the  Ves- 
sell will  carry  about  300  Barrl.  in  all.     .     . 

PS.  If  you  have  an  oppertunity,  I  should  be  obliged 
to  you  for  sendg.  a  Barrel  of  these  Fish  to  Mrs.  Dawson 
of  Wmsburg,  &  let  her  know  that  it  is  sent  as  a  compli- 
ment from  Yr.  ser.  G.  W. N. 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  191 

(e)  Same  to  same;  Mount  Vernon,  Dec.  14,  1773.  MS.  copy  in  Wash- 
ington's handwriting,  ibid,  113.     Flour  milling  and  biscuit  making. 

To  Thomas  Newton  Junr.  Esqr.  Norfolk. 

Sir:  Inclosed  you  have  Invoice  of  26  Barrl  of  Bis- 
cuit stuff;  which  with  35  sent  off  before  I  came  home, 
will  be  more  than  sufficient  I  conceive  to  mix  with  the 
middlings  for  Bread;  if  so,  please  to  dispose  of  the  over- 
plus for,  and  on  my  acct,  as  also  of  the  Bread  when 
baked,  and  send  me  an  acct.  of  the  proceeds,  with  the 
Cash,  if  any  proper  opportunity  offers  to  Alexandria  to 
the  care  of  Messrs.  Rbt.  Adam  &  Company  -  Please  to 
let  me  know  what  you  think  my  best  Superfine  Flour 
would  sell  at  in  Norfolk  (freight  to  be  paid  by  the  pur- 
chaser)- I  have  none,  at  least  a  very  trifling  quantity  by 
me  at  present,  having  sold  all  I  have  hitherto  made  at 
two  pence  pr.  Ib- 

With  the  Flour,  you  will  receive  a  Barrel  of  White 
thorn  Berry's  for  his  Excellency  the  Govr.  which  please 
to  forward  with  the  Inclosed  Letter  by  the  first  opperty. 
-  charge  the  freight  down  to  me  -  If  you  have  heard 
anything  of  the  Brig  Anne  &  Elizabeth,  Captn.  Pol- 
locks please  to  inform  me  thereof  by  the  Post  and  you 
will  much  oblige,  Sir,  Yr.  Most  Obed.  Servt. 
Mt.  Vernon  Deer.  14th,  1773.  Go.  WASHINGTON. 

(f)  Extract  from  a  letter  of  Elisha  Cain,  overseer  on  Retreat  Planta- 
tion, Jefferson  County,  Ga.,  Sept.  ii,  1829,  to  his  employer,  Alex- 
ander Telfair,  Savannah.  MSS.  of  this  and  the  three  following  in 
the  possession  of  the  Georgia  Historical  Society,  trustee  for  the  Tel- 
fair Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  Savannah. 

As  regards  the  weaving,  138  yards  of  Cotton  Cloth  is 
now  wove,  and  368  Do.  woUen.  They  are  going  on 
with  the  spinning  and  weaving.  Friday  has  not  wove 
any.  There  is  plenty  of  wool  to  keep  them  busy  a  length 
of  time.    I  had  113  fleeces  which  weighed  475  lbs. 


192  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

(g)     Extract  from  same  to  same,  Nov.  s,  1829. 

Nancy  has  the  tenth  Peace  of  wool  Cloth  now  in  the 
Loom.  Friday  has  not  wove  any  this  year  or  since  he 
came  here.  He  could  not  weave  and  has  not  done  much 
of  anything  but  attende  the  Horses.  As  the  hands  who 
are  spining  cotton  are  ahead  of  the  weavers  I  have  now 
Put  two  of  them  to  spin  wool  which  will  cause  the 
weaveing  to  go  on  much  faster  than  it  has  been. 

(h)  Extract  from  same  to  his  employer,  Miss  Mary  Telfair,  Savannah, 
Ga.,  Oct.  25,  1833. 

I  received  the  box  containing  waistcoats  handker- 
chiefs &c.  &  have  given  them  out  as  they  were  marked, 
several  of  the  hands  are  lacking  (viz)  Toney,  John, 
Sawney,- grown  hands.  Little  Jim,  Harculas,  Bob, 
Sippio,  Sandy,  Andrew,  William  Stephen,  which  are 
small  boys.  Peggy,  Lidia,  Kate,  small  girls.  As  re- 
gards the  wool  homespun,  I  have  only  eight  pieces  of 
45  yards  each,  now  made.  The  pair  of  cotton  cards 
which  you  wish  to  be  informed  of,  has  been  received, 
Nanny  sent  for  them  without  my  knowledge,  which  she 
said  she  wanted  for  the  purpose  of  making  Towels. 
The  six  pair  which  Mr.  had  an  account  of,  were  re- 
ceived also,  they  were  for  Jinney,  Hannah,  Mary,  Cot- 
ton cards -&  Nanny,  Nancy,  Charity,  wool  cards-. 
The  women  that  will  want  baby  clothes  are  Peggy, 
young  Hetty,  Venus,  Priscilla,  Amy,  Mary  &  Inda. 

(i)  Extract  from  a  letter  of  James  Gannelly,  overseer  on  the  Mills 
Plantation,  Burke  County,  Ga.,  Jan.  n,  1835,  to  his  employer.  Miss 
Mary  Telfair,  Savannah. 

Phyllis  wove  2  pices  of  wool  &  cotton  50  yds  in  each 
piece  &  put  in  annother  piece  of  50  yds  &  the  wool  give 
out  at  weaving  about  25  yds  the  Balance  was  filled  out 
with  Cotton,  that  will  make  125  yds  Phyllis  wove.  I 
give  to  the  Children  a  cording  to  size,    an  infant  ij^. 


PLANTATION  MANAGEMENT  193 

size  like  Iffrey  4  yds  -  a  bout  8  or  9  yds  will  be  enough 
to  send  that  will  be  for  little  Lucy  and  flornas  2  smalest 
children.  I  had  a  vary  good  thick  piece  of  Cotton  Cloth 
wove  &  the  rest  has  taken  of  that  that  is  Hannah  old 
Lucy  sussy  Cofify  they  are  not  exposed  to  no  weather 
in  working  out.  I  have  reed  2  Tierces  of  salt  the  Nc- 
gros  arc  all  well  at  this  time  &  all  other  affairs. 


II.    PLANTATION   ROUTINE 

I     DAIRY  OF  WORK  ON  A  SEA-ISLAND  COTTON 
PLANTATION. 

Extracts  from  the  plantation  diary  of  Thos.  P.  Ravcnel,  of  Woodboo 
plantation,  1847-1850.  MS.  in  the  possession  of  the  Ravenel  family, 
Pinopolis,  S.C.  Woodboo  plantation  lay  in  St.  John's  parish,  Berke- 
ley  county,   about  thirty  miles  north   of  Charleston.    It  contained 

about  eleven  hundred  acres,  of  which  probably  less  than  one-fourth 
was  in  cultivation. 

1847.  January:  i,  2,  preparing  oats  field.  4,  ginning 
cotton.  5,  planted  10  acres  oats.  6,  7,  making  fence 
around  oat  field.  8,  9, 11,  12,  sorting  cotton.  13,  14,  15, 
16,  18,  19,  20,  21,  22,  ginning  and  moting.  23,  25,  26, 
27,  28,  getting  manure  out  of  pond.  29,  moting  and 
ginning.    30,  sorting  cotton. 

February:  i,  getting  out  pond  manure.  2,  listing  po- 
tato ground.  3,  ginning  and  moting.  4,  finished  listing 
potato  field.  5,  6,  getting  out  pond  manure.  8,  9,  clean- 
ing ground.  10,  11,  12,  getting  pond  manure.  13,  15, 
16,  17,  18,  19,  listing  cotton  ground.  20,  22,  23,  24,  25, 
26,  ditching  and  mending  fence.  27,  moting  and 
ginning. 

March:  i,  2,  3,  bedding  cotton  ground.  4,  5,  6,  gin- 
ning and  moting.  8,  9,  bedding  cotton  ground.  10, 
II,  bedding  potato  ground.  12,  sorting  and  ginning. 
13,  listing  cotton  ground.  15,  16,  planted  potatoes.  17, 
listing  cotton  ground.  18,  19,  20,  22,  23,  24,  25,  bedding 
cotton  field.  26,  cotton  house  work.  27,  28,  30,  31, 
bedding  cotton  field. 
April:    i,  2,  3,  planted  about  50  acres  cotton.    5,  bed- 


196  AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

ding  potato  field.  6,  7,  8,  picking  joint  grass.  9,  bed- 
ding cotton  field.     10,  planted  the  rest  of  potato  crop. 

12,  13,  bedding  cotton  ground.  14,  planted  the  rest  of  my 
cotton.  15,  working  on  the  ditch,  along  the  road.  16, 
17,  making  fence.  19,  20,  opening  ditches  in  corn  field. 
21,  22,  23,  working  cotton.  26,  27,  28,  29,  30,  working 
cotton. 

May:    i,  3,  working  cotton.    4,  listing  corn  field.    5,  6, 

7,  got  through  first  working  of  cotton.  8,  10,  11,  12,  13, 
listing  corn  field.  14,  planted  20  acres  corn.  15,  work- 
ing potatoes.  17,  18,  19,  20,  21,  working  cotton.  22, 
working  potatoes.  24,  25,  26,  27,  28,  29,  31,  working 
cotton. 

June:  i,  2,  3,  4,  5,  7,  8,  9,  10,  working  cotton.  11, 
planted  over  my  rice.  12,  supplying  cotton  field  in  rice. 
14,  15,  16,  17,  working  rice.  18,  19,  21,  working  pota- 
toes. 22,  working  cotton.  23,  planting  slips.  24,  25, 
26,  28,  29,  30,  working  corn. 
July:     I,  2,  working  corn.    3,  planting  slips.    5,  6,  7, 

8,  9,  working  corn.  10,  planting  slips.  12,  got  thro' 
first  working  of  corn.  13,  planted  peas  in  corn.  13, 
working  cotton.  16,  shucking  corn  to  send  to  Pooshee. 
19,  planting  slips.  20,  21,  working  cotton.  22,  23,  list- 
ing peas  ground.  24,  planted  8  acres  peas.  26,  27,  28, 
29,  30,  31,  working  cotton.  Decidedly  stuck  in  the 
grass. 

August:    2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  7,  9,  10,  II,  12,  working  cotton. 

13,  listing  ground  for  early  peas.  14,  planted  early 
peas.  16,  17,  working  slips.  18,  19,  working  peas.  20, 
topped  my  cotton.  21,  mending  ditch  and  bank.  23,  24, 
stripping  blades.  25,  26,  working  cornfield  peas.  27, 
stripping  blades.  28,  30,  31,  working  cornfield  peas. 
September:  i,  working  peas.  2,  3,  stripping  blades. 
4,  6,  7,  8,  working  cornfield  peas.     9,  working  early 


PLANTATION   ROUTINE  197 

peas.  10,  II,  prepared  turnip  patch.  13,  cleaning  up 
old  field.  14,  15,  picked  thro'  crop  of  cotton.  16,  17, 
18,  20,  21,  22,  cleaning  new  ground.  23,  24,  25,  27,  28, 
picked  thro'  cotton.  29,  picking  cotton.  30,  cleaning 
ground.  Have  in  house  1200  lbs.  cotton. 
October:  i,  2,  4,  cleaning  new  ground.  5,  6,  7,  8,  9, 
II,  12,  13,  14,  picked  thro'  cotton.  15,  16,  picking 
peas.  15,  slight  frost.  18,  19,  20,  21,  22,  23,  picking 
cotton  and  peas.  25,  26,  broke  in  corn.  27,  28,  29,  30, 
picking  cotton. 

November:  i,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  picked  thro'  cotton  4  times 
[i.e.  the  fourth  time.]  8,  9,  picking  cotton.  10,  11,  12, 
dug  in  slips.  13,  picking  cotton.  15,  planted  rye.  17, 
18,  19,  20,  picking  cotton.  22,  cleaning  new  ground. 
23,  ginning.  25,  26,  27,  bring  rails  out  of  the  swamp. 
29,  30,  ginning  and  moting. 

December:  i,  picking  cotton.  2,  3,  4,  moting  and 
ginning.  6,  7,  8,  9,  10,  listing  in  manure.  11,  planted 
rye  and  oats.  13,  moting  and  ginning.  14,  banking  po- 
tatoes. 15,  bedding  over  potatoes  in  field.  16,  17,  18, 
20,  21,  22,  23,  moting  and  ginning.  24,  making  fence. 
29,  30,  31,  moting  and  ginning. 

1848.  January:  i,  3,  4,  5,  6,  7,  8,  moting  and  ginning. 
I,  burn  over  turpentine  land.  3,  commenced  making 
boxes  [i.e.  to  catch  pine  sap  for  turpentine.]  10,  11,  12, 
13,  picking  cotton.  14,  15,  17,  18,  19,  20,  21,  22,  24,  25, 
26,  27,  28,  29,  31,  moting  and  ginning  cotton. 
February:  i,  2,  3,  moting  and  ginning.  4,  5,  7,  8,  sort- 
ing cotton.  9,  10,  II,  got  thro'  moting  and  ginning. 
Made  6  bags  white  and  2  of  yellow  cotton.  12,  making 
slip  field  fence.  14,  15,  16,  levelling  field  to  list.  17, 
18,  19,  21,  22,  23,  24,  25,  26,  28,  29,  listing  land. 
March:  i,  2,  3,  4,  6,  7,  listing  ground.  8,  9,  making 
cornfield  fence.    10,  ditching  corn  field.    10,  13,  14,  list- 


198  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

ing  potato  field.  15,  16,  17,  bedding  potato  field.  18, 
picking  out  joint  grass.  20,  21,  planted  potatoes.  22, 
23,  24,  making  fence.  25,  listing  ground.  27,  28,  29, 30, 
31,  bedding  cotton. 

April:  i,  3,  bedding  cotton  land.  4,  5,  planted  40 
acres  cotton.  6,  getting  rails  out  of  the  swamp.  7,  list- 
ing ground  for  early  peas.  8,  cotton  house  work.  10, 
II,  listing  ground  for  early  peas.  12,  trenching  ground 
for  rice.  13,  planted  early  peas  and  fodder  peas.  14, 
15,  planted  rice.  17,  18,  19,  20,  21,  listing  corn  field. 
27,  28,  planting  corn.  29,  cleaning  ditches. 
May:  i,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  8,  9,  working  cotton.  2,  slight 
hail  storm.  10,  making  fence.  11,  12,  13,  working  po- 
tatoes. 15,  working  cotton.  16,  17,  18,  working  peas. 
19,  20,  22,  23,  24,  25,  26,  27,  working  cotton.  29,  30, 
31,  working  corn. 

June:  i,  2,  3,  5,  working  corn.  6,  working  rice.  7, 
planted  peas  in  corn.  8,  9,  working  rice.  10,  12,  13, 
working  potatoes.  14,  15,  16,  17,  19,  20,  21,  22,  23,  24, 
26,  27,  working  cotton.  28,  29,  working  peas.  30,  list- 
ing ground  for  slips. 

July:  3,  4,  5,  listing  and  bedding  slip  field.  6,  work- 
ing corn.  7,  8,  10,  planting  slips.  11,  12,  working  corn. 
13,  working  rice.  14,  15,  picking  early  peas.  17,  18, 
19,  20,  21,  22,  working  cotton.  24,  planted  peas.  25, 
26,  27,  got  thro'  working  cotton.  28,  planted  peas.  29, 
picking  peas.  31,  stripping  blades. 
August:  I,  topping  cotton.  2,  planting  early  peas,  fall 
crop.  3,  4,  stripping  blades.  5,  working  slips.  7, 
planted  peas.  8,  9,  working  slips.  10,  11,  12,  14,  15, 
working  peas.  16,  17,  18,  19,  21,  stripping  blades.  22, 
23,  working  rice.  Cut  fodder  peas.  26,  28,  threshing 
rye.  29,  picking  grass  out  of  slips.  30,  31,  working 
peas. 


PLANTATION   ROUTINE  199 

September:  i,  2,  4,  5,  working  peas.  6,  7,  picking  cot- 
ton. 9,  left  home  for  Georgia;  was  away  until  No- 
vember. 

November:    2,  3,  two  killing  frosts.     15,  16,  17,  20,  21, 
digging  slips.    22,  23,  24,  ginning  &  moting  cotton.    25, 
27,  28,  29,  30,  picking  cotton. 
December:    Picking,  ginning  &  moting  cotton. 

1849.  January:  Picking,  ginning  &  moting  cotton. 
February:  3,  burnt  the  field  next  the  causeway  to  plant 
cotton.  7,  8,  9,  10,  12,  13,  14,  15,  16,  17,  19,  20,  21,  22, 
23,  24,  listing  cotton  land.  25,  27,  28,  29,  ginning  & 
moting. 

March:  i,  2,  3,  ginning  and  moting  cotton.  5,  burnt 
over  turpentine  woods.  6,  finished  listing  cotton  land. 
7,  8,  9,  10,  12,  13,  14,  15,  16,  17,  19,  20,  bedding  cotton. 
21,  repairing  fence.  22,  23,  24,  26,  listing  potato  field. 
27,  28,  planted  cotton.  33  acres.  29,  30,  bedding  potato 
ground.    31,  planting  potatoes. 

April :  2,  3,  planting  potatoes.  4,  making  potato  field. 
5,  planted  3  acres  early  peas.  6,  making  corn  field 
fence.  7,  raking  around  the  pond  to  burn.  9,  10,  gin- 
ning and  moting  cotton.  11,  burnt  the  old  field  and  big 
pond  next  to  Northampton.  12,  13,  14,  ginning  and 
moting  cotton.  15,  sleet  and  snow  storm.  Cotton  killed. 
16,  17,  planting  over  cotton  crop.  18,  19,  making  fence 
on  the  ditch  and  bank  along  the  road.  Frost  and  ice. 
20,  moting  and  ginning  cotton.  Frost.  21,  listed  and 
planted  fodder  peas.  23,  gave  my  people  the  day.  24, 
25,  26,  27,  moting  and  ginning  cotton.  28,  planted  early 
peas.    30,  listing  corn  field. 

May:  i,  2,  3,  4,  5,  7,  8,  9,  listing  corn  field.  10,  the 
first  good  rail  since  March.  10,  11,  planted  corn  crop, 
20  acres.  12,  planting  rice.  Thermometer  47.  14,  15, 
planting  rice.    16,  17,  working  cotton.    18,  rain.    Cot- 


200  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

ton  house  work.  19,  21,  22,  23,  24,  25,  26,  28,  29,  30, 
31,  working  cotton. 

June:  i,  planted  over  my  crop  of  corn,  destroyed  by 
crows.  4,  5,  6,  7,  8,  working  cotton.  9,  thin'd  out  my 
cotton  to  one.  10,  12,  drew  down  potatoes.  13,  14,  15, 
16,  18,  19,  working  cotton.    20,  21,  22,  drew  up  potatoes. 

23,  threshing  peas.  25,  26,  27,  28,  29,  30,  working  corn. 
July:  2,  3,  listing  ground.  4,  planted  corn,  4  acres. 
5,  6, 7,  working  corn.  9,  planted  slips  by  aid  of  Pooshee. 
[i.e.  by  the  aid  of  hands  from  Pooshee  plantation  owned 
by  this  planter's  father.]  10,  11,  12,  13,  14,  16,  working 
corn.  17,  18,  19,  20,  21,  listing  peas  ground.  23,  planted 
peas.  24,  25,  working,  4  acres  of  July  corn.  26,  planted 
peas.  24,  25,  26,  27,  28,  30,  31,  working  cotton.  28,  30, 
31,  working  4th  July  corn. 

August:  I,  2,  3,  4,  6,  7,  8,  9,  10,  working  cotton.  13, 
stripping  fodder.  14,  15,  16,  17,  working  slips.  18,  20, 
working  my  4th  July  corn.  Planted  early  peas  in  corn. 
21,  22,  23,  24,  25,  working  peas.  27,  stripping  blades. 
28,  working  rice.  29,  30,  31,  working  corn  field  peas. 
September:  i,  working  cornfield  peas.  3,  4,  5,  work- 
ing 4th  July  corn.  6,  7,  8,  stripping  blades.  10,  work- 
ing early  peas.  11,  12,  13,  curing  hay.  14,  15,  getting 
rails  and  mending  fence.  17,  18,  19,  20,  picking  cotton. 
21,  22,  stripping  blades.  26,  27,  cutting  and  putting  up 
hay.  28,  29,  picking  cotton.  Bought  a  pair  of  horse 
cart  wheels  in  Pineville. 

October:  i,  2,  3,  4,  picking  cotton.  5,  6,  picking  peas. 
8,  9,  10,  stripping  blades.  11,  12,  13,  15,  16,  17,  18,  19, 
picking  cotton.    20,  22,  rain:  cutting  down  weeds.    23, 

24,  25,  picking  cotton.  26,  picking  peas.  27,  29,  30, 
cutting  down  weeds  and  listing. 

November:  i,  picking  peas.  2,  3,  5,  6,  picking  cotton. 
7,  listing  weeds.    8,  9,  10,  picking  cotton.    10,  11,  kill- 


PLANTATION   ROUTINE  201 

ing  frost.  12,  13,  breaking  in  corn.  14,  picking  cotton. 
15,  16,  17,  19,  20,  digging  slips.  22,  23,  24,  picking 
cotton.  26,  27,  listing  ground.  28,  29,  30,  picking 
cotton. 

December:  i,  3,  4,  5,  6,  7,  8,  10,  picking  cotton.  11, 
listing  ground.  12,  13,  14,  15,  17,  18,  19,  picking  cot- 
ton. 20,  21,  22,  24,  listing  ground.  28,  29,  planted  rye. 
21,  commenced  ginning  cotton. 

1850.    January:     i,  finished  dipping  turpentine.    2, 

3,  4,  5,  7,  8,  9,  10,  1 1,  12,  13,  14,  15,  16,  17,  18,  19,  mot- 
ing  and  ginning  cotton.  14,  15,  16,  17,  18,  19,  getting 
cypress  slabs  for  fence  along  the  creek.  21,  22,  23,  24, 
25,  26,  ginning  and  moting.  28,  29,  30,  31,  raking  tur- 
pentine Wood. 

February:  i,  2,  4,  5,  6,  7,  raking  turpentine  wood.  8, 
ginning  and  moting.  9,  raking  straw  for  manure.  11, 
12,  13,  i4»  15,  16,  18,  19,  20,  21,  22,  23,  ginning  and 
moting.  20,'2i,  22,  23,  25,  26,  27,  28,  making  post  fence. 
25,  26,  27,  28,  ginning  and  moting. 
March:  i,  2,  4,  5,  6,  got  thro'  ginning  and  moting.  i, 
2,  4,  5,  6,  7,  8,  9,  1 1,  12,  13,  14,  15,  16,  18,  19,  20,  finished 
post  and  rail  fence.  7,  breaking  cotton  stocks.  8,  9,  11, 
listing  potato  field.  12,  making  cotton  field  fence.  13, 
14,  15,  16,  18,  19,  20,  21,  listing  cotton  ground.  22,  23, 
bedding  cotton  ground.  25,  26,  27,  bedding  potato  field. 
28,  29,  30,  bedding  cotton  field. 
April :  I,  2,  bedding  cotton  field.    3,  picking  joint  grass. 

4,  planted  cotton.  23  acres.  5,  6,  listing  corn  ground. 
8,  planted  highland  corn.  8,  commenced  clipping 
trees,  [i.e.,  pine  trees  for  turpentine.]  9,  planted  fod- 
der peas.  9,  10,  II,  planted  potatoes.  12,  bedding  po- 
tato ground.  13,  picking  joint  grass.  15,  16,  17,  18,  19, 
20,  repairing  fence.  19,  cotton  up.  22,  heading  rails. 
23,  repairing  fence.    24,  25,  turning  rice  field.    26,  mov- 


202  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

ing  and  planting  cow  pen.  27,  mending  dam.  29,  30, 
working  cotton. 

May:  i,  2,  3,  4,  6,  7,  working  cotton.  8,  9,  10,  bedding 
corn  ground.  1 1,  gave  my  people  the  day.  13,  bedding 
corn  field.  14,  transplanting  corn,  thinning  cotton.  15, 
16,  17,  bedding  cornfield.  18,  thinning  cotton.  20, 
planting  swamp  corn.  21,  worked  highland  corn.  22, 
planted  rice.  23,  24,  25,  27,  28,  working  cotton.  29,  30, 
31,  working  potatoes.  30,  hail  storm  in  Pinopolis 
neighboring  crops  much  injured. 

June:  i,  got  thro'  working  potatoes.  3,  4,  working 
corn.  5,  6,  7,  8,  10,  working  cotton  third  time.  10,  11, 
12,  13,  14,  working  corn.  15,  17,  18,  worked  potatoes. 
18,  Capt.  Robertson  found  the  first  [cotton]  blossom,  at 
Wampee.  19,  20,  working  rice.  21,  22,  working  corn. 
24,  planting  peas  in  corn.  24,  25,  listing  slip  ground. 
26,  27,  28,  working  cotton.    29,  gave  my  people  the  day. 

30,  the  first  rain  worth  while  for  a  month,  the  crops  hav- 
ing suffered  much  from  drought. 

July:  I,  planting  slips.  2,  listing  and  bedding  slip 
ground.  3,  4,  5,  got  through  4th  working  of  cotton. 
Laid  by  one  half  of  my  crop.  5,  8,  9,  10,  working  corn. 
II,  12,  planting  slips  and  bedding  land.  13,  15,  work- 
ing corn.  16,  planting  peas  in  corn.  17,  18,  19,  laying 
by  cotton.    20,  22,  23,  planting  slips  part  of  each  day. 

20,  22,  23,  list  peas  ground.  24,  25,  planting  peas.  25, 
26,  27,  listing  peas  ground.    29,  30,  planting  peas.    30, 

31,  working  rice. 

August:  I,  2,  3,  working  rice,  i,  begun  second  dip- 
ping of  turpentine.  5,  listing  and  planting  early  peas. 
4,  slight  hail,  no  injury.  6,  7,  8,  9,  working  slips.  10, 
working  peas  in  corn.  12,  patching  slips.  13,  working 
peas  in  corn.     14,  15,  stripping  blades.     16,  17,  19,  20, 

21,  22,  23,  24,  26,  working  peas.  24,  very  stormy.  27, 
28,  working  slips.    29,  30,  31,  stripping  blades. 


PLANTATION   ROUTINE  203 

September:  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  stripping  blades.  7,  9,  work- 
ing peas.  10,  II,  12,  13,  picking  cotton.  14,  16,  work- 
ing peas.  Rain.  17,  18,  19,  20,  21,  23,  24,  got  thro' 
first  picking.  25,  26,  27,  picking  cotton.  20,  com- 
menced eating  potatoes.  28,  making  potato  field  fence. 
27,  very  heavy  rain.  30,  picking  cotton. 
October:  i,  2,  3,  4,  5,  7,  8,  9,  10,  11,  12,  14,  picking  cot- 
ton. Got  thro'  second  picking  of  cotton.  15,  16,  picking 
cotton.  17,  broke  in  a  small  field  of  corn.  8,  9,  very 
light  frost.  18,  19,  21,  picking  peas.  22,  23,  cutting 
hay.  24,  25,  26,  28,  29,  30,  31,  picking  peas. 
November:  i,  2,  4,  5,  6,  picking  peas.  7,  cutting  rice. 
8,  9,  breaking  in  corn.  1 1,  picking  peas,  making  cellar. 
12,  13,  14,  15,  digging  slips.  16,  18,  19,  22,  23,  25,  26, 
27,  28,  picking  cotton.  Rain.  29,  30,  ginning  and  mot- 
ing  cotton. 

December:  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  7,  9,  10,  11,  12,  13,  14,  16,  17, 
18,  19,  20,  21,  23,  24,  28,  30,  31,  moting  and  ginning. 
Have  about  three  bags  of  old  cotton  and  two  bags  of  new 
cotton. 

2    ROUTINE  OF  INCIDENTALS  ON  A  SEA-ISLAND 
PLANTATION 

Memoranda  by  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  1818-1819,  of  incidental* 
at  his  plantation  on  Pinckney  Island,  near  Charleston,  S.C,  MS.  in 
the  Charleston  College  Library,  written  on  blank  pages  in  a  volunie 
of  Hoff's  Agricultural  Almanac  for  1818. 

Negroes  at  Pinckney  Island,  April  12th.  1818 :  At  the 
Crescent,  105;  At  the  old  place,  107;  At  the  Point,  9; 
[total.]  221.     .     . 

April  6th.  Left  Charleston  in  the  steam  boat  with  my 
Daughters  at  6  o'clock  this  morning. 

April  7th.  Arrived  at  the  Island  about  9  o'clock  this 
morning.  Sent  the  boat  a  Drum  fishing  and  caught  5 
Drum.  Gave  a  Drum  to  each  of  the  overseers,  and  one 
among  the  Fishermen. 


204  AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

April  8th.  Sent  the  small  yawl  a  fishing  with  George, 
and  Handy  and  little  Abram  from  the  old  Place,  and 
York  &  Dago  from  the  Crescent;  they  caught  4  dozen 
Shrimp  for  bait  last  night  &  14  Drum  Fish  today. 
Gave  two  to  fishermen. 

April  9th.  The  Fishermen  caught  3  dozen  shrimp  as 
bait  last  night.  Captn.  Bythewood  landed  the  articles 
from  Charleston  this  morning.  Took  out  of  the  store- 
room over  the  Kitchen  8  hams,  4  shoulders  and  8  sides 
&  out  of  a  Box  in  the  smoke  House  i  ham  and  3  shoul- 
ders &  hung  them  all  up  to  smoke. 

Mr.  Cannon  sent  today  the  meat  of  three  Hogs  (with 
the  Hogs  Lard,)  well  cured. 

Mr.  Johnston  sent  today  the  meat  of  three  Hogs  (with 
the  Hogs  Lard)  well  cured.  Put  the  whole  in  Boxes  in 
the  store  room  over  the  kitchen. 

Mr.  Johnston  sent  yesterday  one  dozen  fowls  and  four 
dozen  eggs;  and  half  a  bushell  of  corn  for  the  Pigeons. 
Mr.  Cannon  sent  yesterday  2  Fowls  and  one  dozen  and 
one  Eggs.  Sent  Captn.  Rogers  of  the  Steam  Boat  a 
Cauliflower,  3  White  Brocoli  &  a  Drum  fish.  He  re- 
quested another  which  was  fresher,  and  my  Brother 
gave  it  to  him.  Gave  three  to  the  Fishermen  and  one 
to  each  of  the  overseers.    23  in  the  whole  were  caught. 

April  loth.  The  Fishermen  caught  14  Drum.  Gave 
two  to  the  Fishermen. 

April  nth.  Gave  to  the  Negroes  of  each  Plantation 
14  heads  19  back  bones  &  37  sides,  of  Drum  fish.  Mr. 
Cannon  sent  one  dozen  and  eight  eggs. 

The  Fishermen  caught  15  Drum.  Gave  the  Fisher- 
men two  Drum. 

April  1 2th.  Gave  to  the  Negroes  of  both  plantations 
and  at  the  Point  Pipes,  Tobacco  &  Salt. 

April  13th.    The  Fishermen  caught  10  Drum  Fish. 


PLANTATION   ROUTINE  205 

Gave  one  to  the  Fishermen  and  one  to  each  of  the  over- 
seers. 

April  14th.  Gave  to  the  Negroes  of  each  Plantation 
six  heads  17  Sides  &  6  Back  Bones. 

Took  up  two  Cows  to  feed  last  night;  in  the  whole 
five  are  milked  at  present,  which  gave  yesterday  six 
quarts  of  Milk.     .     . 

Mr.  Cannon  finished  today  planting  at  the  Crescent. 
He  has  planted  Cotton  146  acres.  Corn  80  ditto.  Sweet 
potatoes  10  do.    Oats  25  do.    Irish  Potatoes  near  2  do. 

April  2 1  St.  The  fishermen  caught  5  drum  none  with 
roes.  The  steam  boat  did  not  pass  from  Charleston 
today. 

April  22nd.  Gosport  &  Quash  from  the  Crescent  & 
January  &  Bob  from  the  old  place  are  the  Fishermen 
for  the  ensuing  week. 

The  Crescent  Fishermen  caught  3  dozen  shrimps  last 
night  &  the  old  Place  Fishermen  one  dozen. 

The  Fishermen  caught  only  3  drum.  Gave  one 
among  them,  &  one  to  Captn.  Rogers  of  the  Steam  Boat. 

April  23rd.  The  two  Cows  that  are  fed  gave  6  quarts 
this  morning;  the  Cows  (three)  not  fed  gave  four 
quarts.    The  Fishermen  caught  no  drum. 

April  24th.  The  Fishermen  caught  no  Drum,  but 
one  turtle.    The  weather  still  continues  cold. 

April  25th.  The  fishermen  changed  their  situation 
today  to  the  northward  of  the  Devil's  Elbow,  but  still 
caught  no  Drum,  the  weather  continuing  cool,  but  not 
so  cold  as  it  was.     .     . 

April  28th.  The  Fishermen  caught  15  drum.  Gave 
them  two. 

April  29th.  1 8 18.  Gave  to  the  Negroes  of  each  Plan- 
tation this  morning  10  heads,  11  Backs  and  23  sides  of 
Drum  Fish.     Cuffie  &  Sambo  from  the  Crescent  and 


2o6  AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

Adam  &  Ceasar  from  the  Old  Place  begun  fishing 
today.  The  2  fed  cows  gave  6  quarts  this  morning.  The 
three  out  Cows  gave  four  quarts,  and  a  pint.  Mr.  Can- 
non sent  I  dozen  eggs.  James  brought  two  chickens. 
The  Fishermen  caught  8  drum.  Gave  one  to  Capt. 
Rogers,  one  to  themselves  and  one  to  each  of  the  over- 
seers.    .     . 

Mr.  Johnston  has  sent  this  evening  the  following 
account  of  the  crop  planted  at  the  Old  Place  this  year: 
On  Harry  Young's  Old  Ground,  46  acres ;  New  Ground 
of  1 8 17,  23  do;  New  Ground  of  18 18,  16  do;  Total 
Cotton  on  Harry  Youngs,  86  acres.  On  Pinckney  Is- 
land: Pasture  Land,  30  acres;  New  Ground  of  18 16,  20 
do;  New  Ground  of  1818,  10  do;  Old  Ground,  5  do; 
Total  Cotton  on  Pinckney  Island,  65  acres.-  Cotton  on 
Harry  Young's,  86;  Cotton  on  Pinckney  Island,  65; 
Total  Cotton  at  Old  Place,  151  [acres]. 

Corn  for  2  Ploughs,  42  acres ;  do.  for  the  hoes,  40  do ; 
Total  Corn,  82  acres. 

Sweet  Potatoes,  10  acres ;  Irish  do.,  2  do ;  Oats  planted 
&  slips  to  be  planted,  about  23  do :  [Total,]  35  acres.  .  . 
Total  crop  at  Old  Place,  268  acres. 

May  9th.  Killed  a  Lamb  from  the  old  Place.  Gave 
a  hind  quarter  to  the  Overseers.  Received  from  the  old 
Place  a  pair  of  Geese  and  a  pair  of  Ducks.  Caught  6 
drum,  gave  one  to  each  of  the  overseers,  and  one  to  the 
Fishermen. 

May  loth.  Gave  tobacco,  pipes,  salt  and  Fish  Hooks 
to  the  Negroes  of  both  Plantations,  and  at  the  Point. 
My  Brother's  carriages  and  Horses  were  sent  over  to 
Mr.  Robertson's. 

May  nth.  My  Brother,  Mrs.  Pinckney  and  Miss 
Drayton  left  us  after  breakfast  this  morning.    The  Fish- 


PLANTATION   ROUTINE  207 

ermen  caught  five  drum  and  a  Turtle.  Gave  one  drum 
to  the  Fishermen. 

May  1 2th.  The  Fishermen  did  not  go  for  shrimps 
last  night,  and  therefore  only  caught  today  two  drum 
fish. 

May  14th.  Gave  Mr,  Cannon  sixteen  dollars  to  pay 
for  4.0CH3  shingles  to  complete  the  shingling  his  house, 
and  advanced  him  fifty  dollars  in  part  of  salary  for  the 
present  year. 

At  the  same  time  advanced  Mr.  Johnston  sixty  dollars 
in  part  of  salary  for  the  present  year. 

Caught  no  drum  today,  &  gave  up  fishing  for  the 
season. 

May  15th.  Advanced  Mr.  Johnston  fifteen  dollars 
more. 

May  1 6th.  The  Wild  Horse  came  to  the  point  to 
carry  my  daughters  and  self  on  board  the  steam  boat. 

Deer.  13th.  arrived  v^ith  my  daughter  in  the  steam- 
boat last  night  at  8  o'clock.  We  found  our  House  Peo- 
ple there  who  had  arrived  the  Friday  evening  before  in 
Capt.  Bythwood's  schooner. 

Found  at  the  Point  from  the  old  Place  8  fowls,  4 
ducks,  2  turkeys,  i  dozen  and  4  eggs,  i  basket  of  sweet 
potatoes. 

Dec.  14th.    Five  Fowls  were  sent  from  the  Crescent. 

Dec.  15th.  Teudey  &  Josey  arrived  last  night.  The 
Jersey  waggon  &  Horses  were  at  the  Fording  Islands. 
Bedford  died  on  the  road. 

The  Jersey  waggon  and  Horses  came  over  to  the  Is- 
land today. 

The  steam  boat  passed  on  its  return  to  Charleston, 
wrote  by  it  to  Messrs  Kershaw  &  Lewis. 

Capt.  Bythewood  arrived  off  the  Island.    Sent  him 


2o8  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

23  Bales  of  Cotton,  12  from  the  Crescent  and  11  from 
the  Old  Place.  Ordered  them  to  be  shipped  to  Messrs 
Earle  at  Liverpool  by  the  first  opportunity. 

Drum  fish  caught  in  1818:  Drum  fish,  219;  Hard 
roes,  38. 

Crop  made  in  18 17  at  the  Old  Place. 
Sent  to  Town,  1 1  Bales ;  Ginned,  supposed,  4 ;  Unginned, 
supposed,  5;  Yellow,  Supposed,  3;  [total,]  23. 

Yet  Mr.  Johnston  says  Mrs.  Langley's  negroes  made 
240  lb.  while  each  of  mine  did  not  make  half  as  much. 

•  •••••• 

Crop  made  in  1818. 
Sent  by  Capt.  Bythewood  Dec.  15th.  18 18. 

Crescent  Old  Place 

White  Cotton  White  Cotton 

12  bales  II  bales 

Sent  by  Capt.  Bythewood,  Jan.  12,  18 19. 

18  Bales  II  Bales 

3    WORK  ON  A  LARGE  TOBACCO  AND  WHEAT 
PLANTATION,  VIRGINIA 

Extracts  for  tj'pical  weeks  in  185+  from  the  journal  of  the  manager  of 
Belmead  Plantation,  Powhaton  County,  Virginia,  about  twenty  miles 
west  of  Richmond.  MS.  in  the  possession  of  Wm.  M.  Bridges,  Rich- 
mond, Va. 

At  the  time  of  the  journal  there  were  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven 
slaves  of  all  ages  on  Belmead,  of  which  about  one-half  probably 
comprised  the  working  force.  There  were  twenty-one  work  horses 
and  mules,  sixteen  work  oxen,  and  a  large  supply  of  implements  and 
farm  machinery  listed  in  the  quarterly  inventories  of  stock  and 
equipment.    The  journal  now  extant  covers  the  full  year,  1854. 

For  the  week  commencing  January  i6,  1854. 
Clear  &  warm  MONDAY.    4  four  horse  ploughs  ploughing 

wind  S  W  in  Low  grounds  ploughed  6  acres  one  ox  cart 

hauled  wood  two  hauling  Turnips  one  four 


PLANTATION   ROUTINE 


209 


Cloudy  &  Rain 
wind  N  E 


Cloudy  &  damp 
wind  N  E 


Cloudy  &  Rain 
wind  N  E 


Cloudy  &  Rain 
wind  S  W 


Cloudy  &  Rain 
wind  S  W 


Clear  &  cold 
wind  N  W 

For  the  week 

Clear  &  cool 
wind  N  W 


horse  wagon  hauled  straw  2  hands  Loading 
other  hand  puling  Turnips  and  triming  put 
the  Big  Boat  in  the  River  this  evening. 
TUESDAY.  4  four  horse  ploughs  ploughing 
in  Low  grounds  this  morning  untill  9  oclock 
stoped  By  Rain  two  ox  carts  and  one  four 
horse  wagon  hauled  straw  striped  and  prize 
Tobacco  from  10  oclock  untill  Night  with  all 
hands. 

WEDNESDAY.  4  four  horse  ploughs 
ploughing  in  Low  grounds  ploughed  4  acres 
one  ox  cart  hauling  wood  two  ox  carts  and  one 
four  horse  wagon  hauling  straw  two  hands 
loading  other  hands  clearing  of  creek  Banks 
THURSDAY.  4  four  horse  ploughs  plough- 
ing in  Low  grounds  untill  12  oclock  stoped  By 
Rain  one  ox  cart  hauling  wood  two  ox  carts 
and  one  four  horse  wagon  hauling  straw  2 
hands  loading  teams  other  hands  opening  water 
furrows  stuck  2  houses  of  Tobacco  this  even- 
ing. 

FRIDAY.  All  hands  In  the  Tobacco  house 
striping  and  prizing  Tobacco  seven  hands 
clean  wheat  this  evening  three  ox  carts  hauled 
seventy  Barrels  of  Flouar  to  the  River  the 
Road  in  Bad  order. 

SATURDAY,  three  ox  carts  hauled  three 
loads  of  Flour  to  the  River  five  loads  of  wheat 
to  the  Mill  and  a  load  of  corn  and  hauled 
wood  seven  hands  cleaning  wheat  other  hands 
striping  and  prizing  Tobacco. 
SUNDAY.  Inspected  quarters  this  Morn- 
ing houses  in  good  order. 

commencing  April  10,  1854. 

MONDAY,  six  coalters  and  two  harrows 
preparing  corn  land  five  hands  sowed  plaster 
one  ox  cart  hauled  plastor  Jefferey  Manuring 
plant  Beds  four  hands  Bulking  Tobacco  other 
hands  choping  ditch  Banks  Dick  at  the  Mill. 


2IO 


AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 


Clear  &  cold 
wind  N  W 


Cloudy  &  cool 
wind  S  W 


Clear  &  warm 
wind  S  W 


Cloudy  &  Rain 
wind  N  E 


Cloudy  &  Rain 
wind  N  E 


For  the  week 

Clear  &  hot 
wind  S  W 


Clear  &  hot 
wind  S  W 


Clear  &  hot 
wind  S  W 


TUESDAY,  six  two  horse  coalters  and  two 
harrows  preparing  land  for  corn  one  ox  cart 
hauled  plastor  five  hands  sewing  four  hands 
Bulking  Tobacco  Jefferey  Manuring  plant 
Beds  other  hands  shelled  seed  corn. 
WEDNESDAY,  three  ox  carts  hauled  Ma- 
nure 23  loads  three  three  horse  harrows  pre- 
paring corn  land  six  one  horse  Ploughs  and 
cultivators  planting  corn  seven  hands  droping 
four  hands  prizeing  Tobacco  Jeffrey  Manur- 
ing plants  Beads  other  hands  opening  furrows. 
THURSDAY,  three  ox  carts  hauled  Ma- 
nure 24  loads  three  harrows  preparing  corn 
land  three  one  horse  ploughs  and  three  culti- 
vators planting  corn  six  hands  droping  corn 
four  prizeing  Tobacco  others  dresing  of  corn 
land. 

FRIDAY,  three  ox  carts  hauled  Manure 
four  hands  prizeing  Tobacco  all  other  hands 
and  teames  Imployed  planting  corn  in  low 
grounds  stoped  By  Rain  this  evening. 
SATURDAY,  all  hands  sheled  corn  prize 
Tobacco  and  prepare  fences  in  the  evening 
after  it  stoped  raining. 
SUNDAY. 

commencing  July  3,  1854. 

MONDAY.  Commence  cutting  oats  this 
Morning  with  eight  cradels  untill  9  oclock 
weded  Tobacco  the  Balance  of  the  day  three 
hands  Reparing  wheat  shocks  three  skimers 
ploughing  Tobacco  Three  horse  Rakes  gleen- 
ing  wheat  field. 

TUESDAY.  Three  skimers  at  work  in  To- 
bacco Three  horse  Rakes  gleening  wheat  field 
all  other  hands  weeding  Tobacco  weed  50 
Thousand  plants, 

WEDNESDAY.  Three  one  horse  Rakes 
gleening  wheat  field  three  skimers  ploughing 
Tobacco  Erasamus  Shear  Sheep  other  hands 
worked  Tobacco  fifty  thousand  hills. 


PLANTATION   ROUTINE 


211 


showry  this 
evening  and 
warm  wind  S  W 

Clear  &  hot 
wind  S  W 

Clear  &  hot 
wind  S  W 

Clear  &  hot 
wind  S  W 

For  the  week 

hot  and  Rain 
this  evening 


Clear  &  hot 
wind  S  W 


Clear  &  hot 
wind  S  W 


Clear  &  hot 
wind  S  W 


still  shower 
this  evening 
and  hot  wind  S  W 

Clear  &  hot 
wind  S  W 


THURSDAY.  Three  one  horse  skimers  at 
work  in  Tobacco  all  other  hands  Replanted 
Tobacco  and  cut  oats  stoped  By  Rain  this 
evening. 

FRIDAY,  all  hands  Replanted  Tobacco  un- 
till  9  oclock  cut  oats  and  shock  the  Balance  of 
the  day. 

SATURDAY.  Finish  cutting  oats  this  Morn- 
ing and  hill  Tobacco  seven  ploughs  ploughing 
Tobacco. 

SUNDAY.  Inspected  quarters  this  Morning 
houses  and  yards  in  good  order  Rain  this 
Evening. 

commencing  July  17,  1854. 

MONDAY,  three  ox  carts  hauled  wheat  two 
four  horse  wagons  hauled  straw  Daniel  toped 
Tobacco  all  other  hands  and  teames  Imployed 
thrashing  wheat  thrashed  two  hundred  Bush- 
els stoped  By  Rain  this  Evening. 
TUESDAY,  six  one  horse  coalters  working 
Tobacco  JeflFery  toping  wheat  shoks  Blowed 
of  By  wind  Daniel  toping  Tobacco  other  hands 
hilling  Tobacco  20  thousand  thrashed  wheat 
this  Evening  100  Bushels. 
WEDNESDAY,  three  ox  carts  and  two  four 
horse  wagons  hauled  wheat  all  other  hands  Im- 
ployed at  the  Barn  thrashing  wheat  thrashed 
three  hundred  Bushels. 

THURSDAY.  Three  ox  carts  and  two  four 
horse  wagons  hauled  wheat  Daniel  toped  To- 
bacco all  other  hands  and  teames  thrashed 
wheat  two  hundred  and  fifty  Bushels. 
FRIDAY,  three  ox  teames  and  two  four 
horse  wagons  hauled  wheat  other  hands  and 
teames  thrashed  two  hundred  and  fifty  Bushels 
stoped  By  Rain  at  4  oclock. 
SATURDAY.  Three  ox  carts  and  two  four 
horse  wagons  hauled  wheat  other  hands  and 
teames  Imployed  thrashing  thrashed  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  Bushels  Daniel  toped  Tobacco. 


212 


AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 


SUNDAY.    Inspected  quarters  this  Morning 
houses  and  yards  in  good  order. 

For  the  week  commencing  Oct.  2,  1854. 


Cloudy  &  warm 
wind  S  E 


MONDAY.  Nine  two  horse  ploughs  plough- 
ing corn  Land  for  wheat  in  Mill  field  ploughed 
14  acres  two  hands  fireing  Tobacco  one  hand 
sewed  guano  other  hands  sheled  corn  40  Bar- 
els  three  ox  carts  hauled  10  ton  of  guano  from 
the  River  3  hands  weighed  guano. 
TUESDAY.  Clean  corn  and  grate  guano 
this  Morning  with  all  hands  untill  eight 
oclock  Rain  untill  that  time  fired  Tobacco 
ploughed  with  Nine  ploughs  and  suckered  To- 
bacco the  Balance  of  the  day. 
WEDNESDAY.  Commence  sewing  wheat 
in  Mill  field  on  corn  land  with  6  harrows  and 
one  laying  off  sewed  24  Bushels  other  hands 
suckered  Tobacco  and  cut  and  housed  tw'elve 
hundred  sticks. 

THURSDAY,  six  harrows  and  one  coaltor 
Imployed  sewing  wheat  on  corn  land  in  Mill 
field  sewed  26  Bushels  cut  Tobacco  with  five 
of  my  hands  and  Alfred  and  his  hands  cut  and 
house  Eighteen  hundred  sticks. 
FRIDAY.  Commence  harrowing  with  six 
harrows  in  field  No  2  and  sewing  with  drill 
sewed  10  Bushels  one  hand  sewed  two  thou- 
sand lbs  guano  other  hands  cut  and  huse  To- 
bacco with  Alfreds  also. 
SATURDAY,  sewed  ten  Bushels  of  wheat 
with  the  drill  six  harrows  preparing  fallow 
land  in  field  No  2  other  hands  housed  To- 
bacco and  opening  water  furrows  and  spred 
Manure. 

SUNDAY.    Inspected  quarters  this  Morning 
houses  and  yards  in  good  order. 

For  the  week  commencing  December  11,  1854. 
Clear  &  cool  MONDAY.     Four    four   horse   ploughs   at 

wind  S  W  worke  in  Low  grounds  three  ox  carts  hauled 


Cloudy  &  Rain 
wind  S  W 


Clear  &  cool 
wind  N  W 


Clear  &  cool 
with  frost  this 
Morning  wind  N  W 


Clear  &  cool 
wind  N  W 


Clear  &  cool 
wind  S  W 


Clear  &  warm 
wind  S  W 


PLANTATION   ROUTINE 


213 


wood  ten  hands  cutting  and  Mauling  wood 
other  hands  cleaning  ditch  Banks. 
TUESDAY.  Four  ploughs  at  work  in  Low 
grounds  three  ox  carts  hauled  Turnips  Erasa- 
mus  with  Mr.  Tucker  at  Beldale  Reparing 
gaits  all  other  hands  gethering  Turnips. 
WEDNESDAY.  Four  ploughs  at  worke  in 
Low  grounds  twenty  one  hands  and  three  ox 
carts  gethering  and  hauling  Turnips  at  Mount 
Pleasant. 

THURSDAY.  Five  four  horse  ploughs  at 
worke  In  Low  grounds  ploughed  five  acres 
the  Land  Verry  dry  and  hard  Eighteen  hands 
and  three  ox  carts  hauling  Turnips  at  Mount 
Pleasants. 

FRIDAY.  Five  four  horse  ploughs  plough- 
ing in  Low  grounds  Ben  and  Women  clening 
water  furrows  three  ox  carts  hauled  wood 
four  hands  cutting  and  Mauling. 
SATURDAY.  Five  four  horse  ploughs 
ploughing  in  Low  grounds  Ben  and  Women 
open  water  furrows  three  ox  carts  hauled  wood 
four  hands  cutting  and  Mauling  wood. 
SUNDAY. 

commencing  December  18,  1854. 

MONDAY.  Five  four  horse  ploughs  plough- 
ing in  Low  grounds  three  ox  carts  hauled 
wood  other  hands  Maid  sheep  shelter  cut  wood 
and  open  water  furrows. 

TUESDAY.  all  hands  Imployed  killing 
Hogs  untill  twelve  oclock  five  ploughs  at 
worke  this  Evening. 

WEDNESDAY.  Five  four  horse  ploughs 
ploughing  in  Low  grounds  the  land  Verry  dry 
and  hard  three  hands  cutting  out  hogs  two 
cutting  wood  three  ox  carts  hauling  other 
hands  open  water  furrows  and  grubing. 
THURSDAY.  Five  ploughs  ploughing  in 
Low  grounds  three  ox  carts  hauled  wood  two 


Clear  &  cool 
wind  N  W 


Clear  &  cool 
wind  S  W 


Clear  &  cool 
wind  S  W 


Clear  &  cool 
wind  S  W 


Cloudy  &  cool 
wind  NE 


For  the  week 

Cloudy  &  cool 
wind  N  E 


Cloudy  &  cold 
wind  N  E 

Clear  &  cold 
wind  N  W 


Clear  &  cold 
wind  N  W 


214  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

hands  cutting  wood  three  hands  cutting  hogs 
other  hands  opening  water  furrows. 
Clear  &  cold  FRIDAY.    Ten  hands  cutting  wood  three  ox 

wind  N  W  carts  and  two  four  horse  wagons  hauling  Ben 

and  Women  grubing  the  land  two  hard  frozen 
to  plough. 
Cloudy  &  cold  SATURDAY.     Eight   hands  cutting  wood 

wind  N  E  two  wagons  and  one  ox  cart  hauling  wood  two 

ox  carts  and  one  wagon  hauled  straw  and  shuks 
to  Beldale  farm  Ben  and  women  grubing. 
Cloudy  &  Rain  SUNDAY.    Inspected  quarters  this  Morning 

wind  N  E  houses  and  yards  in  good  order. 

4    ROUTINE  OF  WORK  ON  A  GREAT  SUGAR 
PLANTATION 

Extracts  of  the  record  for  typical  months,  in  the  years  1827,  1832,  1837, 
1844,  1845,  1852,  and  1853,  from  the  Plantation  Diary  of  the  late 
Mr.  Valcour  Aime,  formerly  proprietor  of  the  plantation  known  as 
the  St.  James  Sugar  Refinery,  situated  in  the  Parish  of  St.  James 
(New  Orleans,  1878.)  The  plantation  was  on  the  bank  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi river  about  sixty  miles  above  New  Orleans.  The  scale  of 
operations  rapidly  increased.  The  number  of  slaves  on  the  estate  in 
any  given  year  may  be  roughly  estimated  on  the  basis  of  one  slave  to 
each  hogshead  of  sugar  in  the  output.  The  printed  diary  was  prob- 
ably issued  in  a  small  edition  and  privately  distributed. 

1827,  January.  Weather  rainy  from  the  ist  to  the  15th. 
February.  Weather  dry  during  the  whole  month; 
through  planting  cane  on  the  12th. 
March.  Rain  on  the  ist.  fair  on  the  2d;  most  of  the 
plant  cane,*  and  also  stubbles  *  of  Creole  °  cane  in  new 
land  mark  the  row.^  White  frost  on  the  19th,  2Rth,  and 
29th;  through  hoeing  plant  and  stubble  cane  for  the 
first  time  on  the  30th ;  rain  on  the  30th. 

*  In  the  climate  of  Louisiana,  two  or  possible  in  some  cases  three  crops  of 
sugar  cane,  in  successive  years,  will  grow  from  one  planting.  The  first  year's 
crop  is  called  the  plant  cane;  afterward  the  crop  is  said  to  grow  from  the 
stubble.  -  Ed. 

5  Creole,  Otahity  and  ribbon  are  varieties  of  sugar  cane.-  Ed. 

^  When  the  green  shoots  appear  in  lines  across  the  field,  the  cane  is  said 
to  mark  the  row.  -  Ed. 


PLANTATION   ROUTINE  215 

April.  On  the  ist,  Otahity*^  plant  cane  mark  the  row; 
some  ribbon  °  plant  cane  have  suckered  on  the  9th ; 
through  hoeing  stubbles  on  the  15th;  planted  corn  on 
the  17th;  light  white  frost  on  the  19th;  weather  favor- 
able; rain  on  the  22d;  heavy  white  frost  on  the  28th  and 
29th ;  rain  on  the  30th. 

May.  White  frost  on  the  2d;  cold  enough  for  fire  on 
the  7th ;  north  wind  on  the  loth ;  weather  quite  warm  on 
the  13th  and  14th;  a  heavy  rain  on  the  latter  day; 
Otahity  stubbles  mark  the  row  only  on  the  24th.  All 
other  cane  have  already  suckered;  ridged  up  ribbon 
cane  on  the  25th. 

June.  A  beneficial  rain  on  the  ist,  being  the  first  rain 
since  May  the  14th;  north  wind  from  the  22d  to  the 
23d;  weather  cool  enough  to  close  doors  at  night.  Five 
hundred  and  sixty  five  cords  of  wood  already  made. 
July.  Weather  dry;  no  rain  since  June  ist;  rain  on  the 
4th,  after  thirty-four  days  drought;  rain  on  the  15th. 
Through  chopping  wood  on  the  28th  weather  rainy. 
August.  Begun  hauling  wood  on  the  3d;  rain  on  the 
6th,  7th,  8th,  9th,  loth,  nth,  12th,  and  13th.  Begun 
ditching  on  the  15th;  rain  again  on  the  i8th  and  19th; 
north  wind  on  the  25th,  and  through  hauling  wood  to 
sugar  house. 

September.  Begun  making  hay  on  the  5th;  weather 
quite  warm;  north  wind  on  the  23d. 
October.  Through  storing  hay  on  the  2d;  repaired 
public  road  on  the  8th  and  9th ;  north  wind  and  white 
frost  on  the  loth;  begun  matlaying^  cane -weather  too 
dry;  through  matlaying  on  the  i6th;  violent  wind  on 
the  2 ist,  which  blew  down  all  large  cane ;  begun  cutting 

''  When  the  blades  were  stripped  and  tops  cut  from  the  standing  cane,  the 
blades  and  tops  {cane  trash)  lay  in  a  mat  upon  the  field.  Hence  the  phrase 
to  matlay,  to  strip  the  cane  in  preparation  for  cutting  and  grinding  it.  -  Ed. 


21 6  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

cane  for  the  mill;  white  frost  on  the  22d;  begun 
grinding. 

November.  During  this  month,  weather  mild  and  dry; 
thin  ice  on  the  30th. 

December.  On  the  ist,  the  weather  again  so  mild,  that 
some  cane  sprouts  are  six  inches  long.  Through  grind- 
ing on  the  15th.  On  the  27th,  cane  standing  are  still 
good  for  seed.  Ice  on  the  28th.  V.  Aime's  sugar  crop 
in  1826  [misprint  for  1827],  two  hundred  and  fifty- 
three  hogsheads,  sold  from  five  and  a  half  to  six  cents. 

1833,  January.  One  hundred  and  twenty  arpents  ^  of 
cane  planted.  Resumed  planting  only  on  the  4th,  the 
ground  having  been  too  wet.  Rain  on  the  13th. 
Weather  fair  on  the  19th.  Begun  plowing  in  plant  cane 
on  the  22d.  Rain  on  the  27th  and  28th. 
February.  Through  spading  old  ditches  on  the  5th. 
Through  plowing  and  scraping  plant  cane  on  the  9th 
and  chopping  wood.  Begun  making  staves  on  the  13th. 
A  light  rain  on  the  14th;  grading  for  a  plantation  rail- 
road. Four  hundred  and  fifty-one  pounds  of  pork  from 
a  hog  raised  here.  Rain  on  the  19th  and  20th.  At  least 
60  arpents  of  ribbon  plant  cane  mark  the  row.  Very 
heavy  rain  on  the  23d,  such  as  the  one  of  the  i6th  May, 
1823.  Begun  plowing  in  stubbles  on  the  26th.  Rain 
on  the  26th  and  27th. 

March .  Four  hundred  and  fifty  cords  of  wood  cut,  and 
two  hundred  and  fifty  cords  remaining  of  last  year's 
wood.  Rain  on  the  ist.  Ice  one-fourth  of  an  inch  thick 
on  the  2d.  Ice  again  on  the  3d.  Trifling  rain  on  the  5th. 
Heavy  rain  during  the  night  from  the  5th  to  the  6th. 
Rain  on  the  7th.    Begun  plowing  in  plant  cane  on  the 

8  The  arpent  is  a  French  unit  of  land  measure,  prevalent  in  Louisiana.    It 
is  equivalent  to  about  five-sixths  of  an  acre.  -  Ed. 


PLANTATION   ROUTINE  217 

15th.  Rain  on  the  i6th,  17th,  i8th,  19th,  and  20th.  All 
ribbon  plant  cane  except  forty  arpents,  very  nearly  mark 
the  row.  Otahity  plant  cane  are  coming  up.  Planted 
corn  in  new  ground  on  the  23d.  Heavy  rain  on  the  23d. 
Through  working  plant  cane  for  the  first  time  on  the 
29th.  Through  hoeing  stubbles  on  the  30th.  Some 
stubbles  of  ribbon  cane  mark  the  row.  White  frost  on 
the  30th. 

April.  Six  hundred  cords  of  wood  made.  Chopping 
wood  on  the  first.  Light  rain  on  the  2d.  Through 
plowing,  in  new  land,  on  the  3d.  All  the  ribbon  plant 
cane  mark  the  row  on  the  7th.  Rain  on  the  nth.  Re- 
planting corn  in  missing  places.  Stubbles  of  ribbon 
cane  mark  the  row,  but  are  yet  thin  on  the  row,  on  the 
12th.  Rain  on  the  i6th  Otahity  plant  cane  mark  the 
row.  Rain  on  the  19th.  Through  working  plant  cane 
for  the  third  time  on  the  24th,  and  through  working 
stubbles  for  the  second  time  on  the  27th.  Rain  on  the 
28th,  29th  and  30th.  Weeding  corn,  in  new  land,  on  the 
30th.  River  has  fallen  eighteen  inches. 
May.  Plowing  and  hoeing  corn,  in  new  land,  on  the 
I  St,  2d  and  3d.  Heavy  rain  on  the  3d.  Some  ribbon 
cane  have  suckered  beneath  ground.  Rain  on  the  4th, 
5th,  6th,  7th,  8th,  9th  and  loth.  Harrowing  and  hoeing 
plant  cane.  Through  working  plant  cane  for  the  fourth 
time  on  the  21st.  Rain  on  the  22d.  Size  of  cane,  with 
leaves,  on  the  22d;  ribbon  plant  cane  measured  from 
four  feet  to  four  and  a  half  feet;  stubbles  of  ribbon  cane, 
four  feet;  Otahity  plant  cane,  three  and  a  half  feet. 
Otahity  stubbles  hardly  mark  the  row.  Weeding  corn, 
in  new  land,  on  the  23d  and  24th.  "CHOLERA 
HERE."  Begun  to  ridge  up  plant  cane  on  the  28th; 
twenty-six  hands  only  in  the  field. 
June.    Only  seven  hands  hoeing  on  the  2d;  lost  three 


2i8  AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

slaves  of  cholera;  the  disease  is  very  violent.  Rain  on 
the  8th.  Cholera  on  the  decrease.  Rain  on  the  9th. 
Sowed  peas  on  the  loth  and  nth.  On  the  15th,  both 
ribbon  and  Otahity  plant  cane  are  of  fine  size.  Cutting 
weeds  and  ridging  up  cane,  in  new  land.  Weeded  a 
portion  of  the  corn  crop  on  the  21st.  Ridging  up  cane 
on  the  24th,  with  the  plow,  and  with  the  hoe,  on  the 
27th.  Rain  in  front  on  the  27th.  Through  ridging  up 
plant  cane,  with  the  plow,  on  the  29th. 
July.  On  the  ist,  some  stubbles  nearly  screen  the  teams. 
Begun  hauling  wood  on  the  2d.  Rain  on  the  8th. 
Thermometer  27°  R.,  above  zero,  within  doors,  at  3  h. 
P.M.  on  the  9th.  Planted  second  crop  of  Charaky  corn 
on  the  loth.  Through  working  stubbles  of  ribbon  cane 
on  the  13th.  Weather  too  dry;  occasionally,  a  shower, 
but  none  of  any  consequence  since  June.  Thermometer 
24°  above  zero,  on  the  i8th  at  8h.  P.M.  Through 
hauling  wood  on  the  22d  (one  thousand  and  eighty 
cords).  Bending  corn  on  the  23d.  Very  light  rain  on 
the  27th,  29th,  30  and  31st. 

August.  A  heavy  rain  on  the  4th.  Rain  on  the  5th,  6th, 
and  7th.  On  the  8th,  an  Otahity  plant  cane  measured 
four  feet  ten  inches  in  joints.  Rain  on  the  9th,  loth  and 
nth.  One  hundred  and  thirty-seven  water  melons  gave 
forty-six  gallons  of  juice,  which,  being  evaporated,  gave 
only  three  gallons  of  thick  syrup.  On  the  15th,  at  9  h. 
P.M.,  the  thermometer  24°  R.  above  zero,  and  thus 
stood  during  several  evenings;  the  heat,  however,  was 
not  so  very  great.  Clearing  ground  on  the  20th.  Gath- 
ered five  hundred  and  five  barrels  of  corn,  and  hauled 
out  lumber  for  the  plantation  railroad,  on  the  22d. 
Through  hauling  out  lumber  for  the  plantation  railroad 
on  the  31st. 
September.    Rain  on  the  ist.    Continue  to  clear  land. 


PLANTATION   ROUTINE  219 

Rain  on  the  4th  and  5th,  with  very  strong  wind,  which 
blew  down  much  cane.  Rain  again  on  the  6th  and  7th. 
Begun  laying  cross-ties  of  plantation  railroad  on  the 
1 1  th ;  the  work  suspended  on  the  27th.  Rain  on  the  27th 
and  28th.  Matlayed  Otahity  stubbles,  so  as  to  plow  the 
ground. 

October.  North  wind  on  the  2d.  Rain  on  the  5th  and 
6th.  Laying  cross-ties  of  plantation  railroad  on  the 
7th.  North  wind  on  the  7th.  North  wind  on  the  13th. 
Thermometer  10^  °  R.  above  zero.  Light  rain  on  the 
15th.  North  wind  on  the  17th;  begun  cutting  cane  for 
the  mill.  Thermometer  5^°  R.  above  zero,  on  the 
1 8th,  in  the  morning;  and  on  the  19th,  thermometer  5° 
R.  above  zero.  Begun  grinding  on  the  20th.  Very  cold 
north  wind  on  the  21st;  thermometer  2°  R.  above  zero. 
Weather  very  cold  for  the  season,  on  the  22d;  ther- 
mometer, zero;  the  ice  the  thickness  of  one  quarter  of  a 
dollar;  several  other  planters  assert  that  the  ice  was  of 
the  thickness  of  a  dollar.  Cane  tops,  generally,  may 
still  be  matlayed,  though  some  are  frozen.  Cloudy  on 
the  25th  and  26th.  Cold  north  wind  on  the  28th.  On 
the  29th,  thermometer  y^°  K.  below  zero.  Resumed 
grinding;  only  forty-two  hogsheads  of  sugar  made  on 
the  30th. 

November.  Stopped  grinding  on  the  ist,  at  midnight. 
Resumed  grinding  on  the  4th,  in  the  evening;  one  hun- 
dred hogsheads  of  sugar  altogether  made  on  the  8th. 
Rsain  on  the  8th,  9th  and  loth.  Stopped  grinding,  with 
one  hundred  and  twenty-two  hogsheads  of  sugar  made. 
Ice  on  the  15th.  Thin  ice  on  the  i6th.  Stopped  grind- 
ing on  the  17th,  during  the  night,  with  one  hundred 
and  seventy-two  hogsheads  of  sugar  made.  Weather 
cloudy  on  the  i8th.  Ice  of  the  thickness  of  a  dollar 
on  the  19th;  resumed  grinding  at  midnight.     Heavy 


220  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

white  frost  on  the  20th.  Altogether  two  hundred  hogs- 
heads of  sugar  made  on  the  21st.  Light,  but  very  cold 
rain  on  the  24th.  Ice  one-quarter  of  an  inch  thick  on 
the  25th.  Thin  ice,  and  exceedingly  white  frost  on  the 
26th.  Through  grinding  on  the  30th,  at  9  h.  A.M. 
December.  Light  rain  before  daybreak,  on  the  ist. 
Cane,  in  the  neighborhood,  so  afifected  by  ice,  that  they 
scarcely  produce  sugar,  even  of  bad  quality.  Rain  on 
the  3d,  4th  and  5th.  A  little  rain  on  the  6th  and  7th. 
Begun  planting  cane  on  the  9th.  Weather,  fair.  Ice 
on  the  15th  and  i6th.  Rain  all  day  on  the  20th;  sixty 
arpents  of  cane  planted.  Ice  on  the  24th,  26th,  and 
27th.  Rain  on  the  28th  and  29th;  ninety  arpents  of 
cane  planted.  Rain  on  the  30th.  V.  Aime's  sugar  crop, 
in  1833,  two  hundred  and  fifty-three  hogsheads. 

1837,  September.  Drought  still  prevailing  on  the 
ist.  No  rain  has  fallen  in  a  portion  of  St.  Charles  Par- 
ish, since  the  23d  of  July;  cane  there  are  very  small. 
Weather  threatening  rain  every  day,  and  thus  inter- 
feres with  hay  cutting.  Plant  cane  here  which  meas- 
ured four  feet  two  inches  on  the  30th  of  July,  measure 
seven  feet  three  inches  on  the  8th  of  September,  showing 
their  growth  to  have  been  thirty-six  inches  in  thirty- 
eight  days.  All  the  wood  hauled  out  into  back  pasture, 
and  one  thousand  cords  cut  for  next  year.  Begun  cut- 
ting hay  on  the  nth.  The  drought  has  been  so  great, 
that  hauling  in  the  swamps  is  easy.  Rain  sufficient  only 
to  wet  hay  on  the  14th  and  15th;  stopped  cutting  hay. 
Gathering  corn  from  the  i6th  to  the  i8th.  Resumed 
hay  cutting  on  the  19th.  Rain  on  the  21st  during  night; 
rain  on  the  22d,  and  light  rain  on  the  23d.  Spading 
canal  on  the  22d  and  23d.  Gathering  corn  on  the  25th. 
Cutting  hay  on  the  26th,  but  rain  again  interfered  in  the 


PLANTATION   ROUTINE  221 

afternoon.  Rain  on  the  27th.  Chopping  drift  wood. 
Rain  on  the  28th.  Cutting  weeds  on  the  28th  and  29th. 
On  the  30th  repaired  main  plantation  road  in  the  fore- 
noon, and  gathered  sixteen  cart  loads  of  peas  in  pods  in 
the  afternoon. 

October.  Rain  on  the  ist,  2d,  &  3d,  and  worked  mean- 
time on  the  public  road.  Light  rain  on  the  4th  and 
5th.  Matlayed  cane  on  the  4th  and  5th;  these  cane  be- 
ing even  then  too  much  sprouted,  kept  badly.  Rain, 
with  strong  wind  on  the  6th,  before  day-break;  wind 
blowing  from  the  east  until  9  h.  P.M.,  when  it  shifted 
to  the  northeast,  and  from  thence  to  the  north,  with  ter- 
rible force  at  II  h.  P.M.;  at  i  h.  A.M.,  the  wind  slack- 
ended,  and  blew  from  the  northwest,  on  the  7th. 
The  wind  blew  down  one  hundred  arpents  of  cane,  but 
not  so  as  to  injure  them  much,  for  they  yielded  one  and 
a  half  hogsheads  to  the  arpent.  Smaller  cane  are  lean- 
ing, or  are  inclined.  The  rain,  during  the  storm,  over- 
flooded  the  ground,  and  put  two  feet  of  water  in  some 
cane  in  lower  line.  Weather  fair,  and  matlaying  cane 
on  the  8th.  Northwest  wind,  and  thermometer  10  R. 
above  zero  on  the  9th.  Cutting  hay  on  the  9th,  loth  and 
nth.  Weather  cloudy  on  the  nth.  Hauling  wood  to 
sugar  house  on  the  loth,  nth,  12th,  13th,  and  14th. 
Through  storing  hay  on  the  14th,  and  gathered  forty 
cart  loads  of  cow  peas  in  pods.  Weather  fine  on  the 
1 5th ;  thermometer  n  °  R.  above  zero.  Through  break- 
ing corn  on  the  i8th,  at  midday,  (4200  barrels),  and 
begun  picking  corn  of  plantation  hands,  in  the  after- 
noon; their  crop  amounting  to  fifteen  hundred  barrels. 
Cutting  coco  grass  on  the  22d.  Matlaying  cane  on  the 
23d.  Rain  on  the  23d  and  24th.  Northwest  wind  on 
the  25th.  Light  white  frost  on  the  26th;  thermometer 
3>^°  R.  above  zero.     White  frost  on  the  27th,  and 


Ill  AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

thermometer  3°  R.  above  zero.  Thermometer  4°  R. 
above  zero,  on  the  28th  and  29th,  and  through  putting 
up  set  of  kettles  of  Garcia's  pattern.  The  30th,  given 
the  day  to  the  hands.  Through  matlaying  cane  on  the 
31st,  at  midday,  and  cutting  cane  for  the  mill  in  the 
afternoon. 

November.  Rain  by  intervals  the  whole  day  on  the  3d. 
Begun  grinding  on  the  3d,  in  the  morning.  Weather 
very  fair  on  the  5th  and  6th.  Stopped  for  want  of  cane 
to  the  mill  on  the  6th,  and  matlayed  the  tops  of  fifty  ar- 
pents  of  cane.  Resumed  grinding  and  using  set  of 
kettles  of  Garcia's  pattern.  In  twenty-four  hours,  made 
in  syrup,  the  equivalent  of  nine  hogsheads  of  sugar,  with 
only  thirteen  cords  of  wood.  During  the  following 
twenty-four  hours,  the  equivalent  of  nine  hogsheads  of 
sugar  made  in  syrup,  with  eighteen  and  a  half  cords 
of  wood,  only  three  feet  long,  and  cut  the  previous 
year.  In  the  next  twenty-four  hours,  the  equivalent 
of  eleven  hogsheads  of  sugar  was  made  in  syrup,  with 
twenty-two  cords  of  wood,  also  three  feet  long,  and 
cut  the  year  before.  A  mould  or  form  of  sugar  (filled) 
before  being  bored,  contains  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
one  pounds  of  matter,  and  thirty-six  hours  after  hav- 
ing been  bored,  will  disgorge  sixteen  pounds  of 
molasses;  and  eighteen  days  after  being  bored,  will 
give  forty-one  pounds  of  molasses  with  eighty  pounds 
of  dry  sugar  remaining  in  the  mould ;  therefore,  a  mould 
of  sugar  contains  eighty  pounds  of  dry  sugar  and  forty- 
one  pounds  of  molasses.     .     . 

December.  .  .  Through  grinding  on  the  22d,  in  the 
morning,  having  used  nine  hundred  and  forty  cords  of 
wood,  cut  three  feet  in  length,  to  make  five  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand  pounds  of  sugar,  manufactured  in 
forty-nine  days.     But  besides  four  hundred  and  fifty 


PLANTATION   ROUTINE  223 

cords  of  wood,  four  feet  in  length,  were  consumed  by 
the  two  engines ;  therefore,  only  about  two  and  one-third 
cords  of  wood  were  consumed  per  hogshead. 

1844,  October.  On  the  4th,  all  the  hay  hauled  and 
stored.  Weather  unusually  dry  for  the  season.  Through 
picking  corn  crop  of  hands  (twenty-seven  hundred  bar- 
rels), on  the  8th.  Repairs  on  front  levee  completed  on 
the  9th.  On  the  loth,  nth  and  12th  repaired  roads. 
Cloudy  on  the  13th.  Hauled  to  "English  Park"  1500 
loads  of  manure,  in  one  month,  with  two  carts ;  with  four 
carts  and  four  loaders,  hauled  to  "English  Park"  one 
thousand  loads  of  dirt  in  seven  days.  Begun  matlaying 
on  the  15th.  Rain  on  the  17th,  after  fifty-eight  days  of 
drought,  with  only  one  light  rain  on  the  27th  of  Septem- 
ber, which  did  not  prevent  plantation  work;  rain  on  the 
1 8th  with  wind,  shaking  or  blowing  down  a  part  of 
canes  in  one  hundred  arpents;  cold  on  the  19th;  very 
fair  and  cold,  possibly  white  frost,  on  the  20th. 
Through  matlaying  on  the  20th.  On  the  21st,  planta- 
tion hands  say  prayer  in  the  newly  built  sugar  house, 
and  then  give  a  ball.  Begun  cutting  cane  for  the  mill 
on  the  23d.  Weather  warm  and  threatening;  rain  on 
the  26th.  Begun  grinding  on  the  27th,  at  ii}4  A.M., 
and  twenty-six  hours  afterwards  there  were  twenty- 
three  hogsheads  of  sugar  made.  The  first  twenty  ar- 
pents gave  only  nine  hogsheads,  but  the  next  thirteen 
arpents  yielded  twenty-three  hogsheads  of  sugar.  28th, 
fair;  29th,  thermometer  6°  r.  above  zero;  30th,  white 
frost,  thermometer  4^°  R.  above  zero. 
November.  On  the  2d,  the  weather  still  fair,  without 
cold.  Stopped  grinding  on  the  4th,  at  day-break,  for 
want  of  cane;  (sixty-six  arpents  of  canes  yielded  one 
hundred  and  twenty  hogsheads,  notwithstanding  loss  of 


224  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

juice  in  changing  from  one  set  of  kettles  to  the  other) . 
During  the  first  run  of  seven  days  and  twenty  hours,  one 
hundred  and  thirty-two  hogsheads  of  sugar  were  made, 
with  only  one  hundred  and  ninety-five  cords  of  wood 
three  feet  long,  being  one  and  a  half  cords  to  the  hogs- 
head. Weather  cloudy  and  cool  on  the  4th.  Resumed 
grinding  on  the  5th,  in  the  morning,  but  stopped  awhile 
to  work  on  another  set  of  kettles.  (Two  hundred  and 
twenty-three  hogsheads  of  sugar  made  altogether  from 
one  hundred  and  twenty-three  arpents  of  canes) .  Rain 
on  the  loth  and  nth,  and  during  all  night  on  the  nth, 
with  thunder;  this  rain  is  the  heaviest  of  the  whole  year. 
Stopped  grinding  on  the  nth,  at  7  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing; coolers  being  all  full,  and  sugar  yet  too  warm  to 
be  potted.  Resumed  grinding  in  the  evening.  On  the 
13th,  weather  getting  cold,  but  cloudy  all  day;  on  the 
14th,  thermometer  3°  R.  above  zero;  white  frost, 
slightly  touching  potato  vines  and  vegetables ;  warm  and 
cloudy  on  the  17th,  and  rain  during  the  whole  night; 
cold,  sprinkling  rain  on  the  i8th.  Stopped  grinding  on 
the  1 8th,  at  midday,  with  three  hundred  and  fifty-three 
hogsheads  of  sugar  made.  About  one  hundred  and 
eighty  arpents  of  canes  gave  three  hundred  and  forty- 
five  hogsheads  of  sugar;  four  hundred  and  ninety-one 
arpents  canes  yet  to  grind.  Rain  during  night  on  the 
20th,  which  lasted  until  the  21st,  at  midday.  Resumed 
grinding  on  the  20th,  in  the  morning,  at  10  o'clock.  On 
the  22d,  weather  cloudy  in  the  morning,  but  fair  in  the 
evening.  Roads  are  very  bad.  On  the  23d,  thermom- 
eter 5°  R.  above  zero;  light  frost  on  the  24th;  ther- 
mometer 5°  R.  above  zero;  cloudy  on  the  26th.  Canes 
are  quite  green,  like  last  year.  Rain  on  the  27th  until 
midday.  Stopped  grinding  on  the  28th,  at  5  h.  P.M., 
to  clean  boilers,  having  made  on  one  set  of  kettles  one 


PLANTATION   ROUTINE  225 

hundred  and  fifty-nine  hogsheads  in  eight  days  and 
seven  hours,  being  nineteen  hogsheads  per  day.  Rain 
during  night  on  the  30th.  Roads  are  almost  imprac- 
ticable. 

December.  Rain  on  the  ist  and  3d;  Heavy  rain  on  the 
6th.  Stopped  grinding,  for  twenty-four  hours,  on  the 
6th.  North  w^ind  on  the  7th;  weather  very  fair  on  the 
8th;  white  frost  on  the  9th;  thermometer  1°  R.  above 
zero.  Resumed  grinding  on  the  loth,  after  having 
stopped  eighteen  hours  on  the  9th  to  repair  roads.  Six 
hundred  and  sixty-two  hogsheads  sugar  already  made. 
Some  ice,  in  a  kettle,  did  not  entirely  melt  during  the 
day;  thermometer  on  the  loth,  in  the  morning,  zero  of 
Reaumur,  and  in  the  evening  2°  R.  below  zero.  Stop- 
ped grinding  to  windrow  fifty  arpents  of  canes;  this 
work  is  being  done  quite  opportunely,  for  the  first  cold 
of  i^°  R.  below  zero,  never  freezes  but  the  top  part  of 
the  cane.  Through  windrowing  fifty  arpents  of  canes 
on  the  13th,  at  10  h.  A.  M.  A  sprinkle  on  the  13th  be- 
fore day,  but  weather  fair  from  10  h.  A.  M.;  northwest 
wind  and  white  frost  on  the  14th;  white  frost  on  the 
15th;  the  day  cloudy;  north  wind  on  the  i6th;  on  the 
17th  thermometer  i^°  below  zero.  The  canes  are 
frozen  to  the  ground.  On  the  i8th,  thermometer  2°  R. 
above  zero.  Eight  hundred  hogsheads  of  sugar  already 
made  on  the  i8th,  at  10  h.  A.  M.  Two  hundred  and 
thirty  arpents  of  canes  more  to  grind.  19th,  rain;  20th, 
fair  in  the  evening.  21st,  stopped  grinding  for  want  of 
canes  to  the  mill.  22d,  a  sprinkle  at  6  h.  A.  M.,  and 
afterwards  a  brisk  north  wind  during  the  whole  day. 
Four  hands  filling  up  barrels  of  molasses;  barreled 
seven  thousand  one  hundred  and  fifty  gallons  in  one 
hour.  23d,  thermometer  1°  above  zero;  some  ice  in 
ditches.  Repaired  road.  24th,  fair  at  5  h.  P.  M.    Nine 


22  6  AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

hundred  hogsheads  of  sugar  made.  26th,  warm;  but 
wind  soon  blows  from  the  north;  27th,  very  fair;  ther- 
mometer 3°  R.  above  zero;  28th,  thermometer  1°  R. 
above  zero;  on  the  30th  and  31st  weather  warm. 

1845,  January,  ist,  stopped  grinding  at  6  h.  A.M. 
with  one  thousand  and  twenty-three  hogsheads  of  sugar 
made  in  sixty-five  days,  less  the  time  taken  up  to  clean 
machinery,  to  repair  roads  and  to  windrow  canes,  etc. ; 
the  sugar  house  having  been  in  operation  only  fifty- 
seven  days;  thus,  during  the  whole  period,  eighteen 
hogsheads  of  sugar  were  daily  made  on  one  set  of  kettles 
at  a  time,  the  plant  cane,  though  cut  two  joints  below 
the  adherent  leaves,  still  measured  six  feet  to  the  mill, 
and  yielded  one  and  a  half  hogsheads  of  fine  sugar  to 
the  arpent,  twenty  days  after  the  killing  frost;  in  1840, 
the  same  thing  occurring  twenty-two  days  after  the 
freese.  Resumed  grinding  on  the  2d;  through  grinding 
on  the  loth,  making  a  crop  of  one  thousand  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty-two  hogsheads  of  sugar.  (Notwithstand- 
ing the  drought  of  sixty- five  days  in  the  spring  of  1844, 
and  the  later  drought  of  fifty-eight  days,  from  August 
19th  to  October  17th,  1844,  the  canes  yielded  nearly  two 
hogsheads  to  the  arpent,  on  an  average.)  Six  hundred 
and  twenty  arpents  of  canes  having  given  one  thousand 
one  hundred  and  fifty-two  hogsheads.  On  the  15th,  be- 
gun to  open  furrows  with  fifteen  plows.  On  the  15th  and 
i6th,  hauled  dirt  with  four  carts  into  "English  Park." 
Rain  on  the  17th;  on  the  i8th  the  heaviest  rain  since  No- 
vember I  ith ;  cloudy  on  the  19th ;  fair  on  the  20th.  Left 
for  the  island  of  Cuba  on  the  26th.  Half  a  crop  made  on 
the  island,  owing  to  excessive  drought  of  last  year  and 
to  the  hurricane  of  October  4th. 

1852,  June,    ist  and  2d,  weeded  peas.  Worked  cen- 


PLANTATION   ROUTINE  227 

trifugal  machine,  on  the  2d  and  subsequent  days,  and 
obtained  as  follows:  twelve  thousand  pounds  of  sac- 
charine matter,  the  value  or  equivalent  of  one  hundred 
moulds  of  sugar,  passed  through  the  centrifugals,  gave 
four  thousand  seven  hundred  and  fifty-four  pounds  of 
dry  sugar,  sold  at  six  and  one-quarter  cents;  the  same 
quantity,  if  worked  in  moulds,  would  have  given  six 
thousand  pounds  of  sugar,  scrapings  and  points  in- 
cluded; in  open  kettles,  the  result  would  have  been  seven 
thousand  pounds  sugar  and  five  thousand  pounds  of 
molasses ;  thus  the  only  advantage  of  centrifugals,  is  the 
rapidity  with  which  sugar  is  made  marketable. 
Worked  the  stubbles  on  the  3d,  for  the  fifth  time,  and 
through  plowing  and  harrowing  them,  on  the  5th.  Rain 
on  the  6th,  stopping  hoe  work  in  canes.  Hoed  peas  on 
the  7th,  until  midday,  and  through  hoeing  stubbles,  for 
the  fifth  time.  (Two  hundred  and  sixty-nine  pounds 
of  sugar,  first  produce  (large  grains)  taken  from  the 
heater  and  worked  in  centrifugals,  gave  one  hundred 
and  fifteen  pounds  of  sugar,  worth  six  and  one-quarter 
cents,  and  the  same  sugar  worked  in  moulds,  gave  one 
hundred  and  thirty-four  pounds  of  sugar,  including 
points  and  scrapings;  thus  the  moulds  gave  fifty  per 
cent,  of  sugar,  while  the  centrifugals  gave  only  forty- 
three  per  cent.)     .     .     . 

July,  ist,  chopping  wood,  also  weeding  peas  and  bend- 
ing corn  with  gang  of  women.  River  so  low  on  the  3d, 
that  fifty  feet  from  the  wharf,  water  is  only  five  feet 
deep.  On  the  5th,  unloading  coal  boat  of  four  thousand 
six  hundred  and  twenty-nine  barrels  of  coal;  the  dis- 
tance from  coal  boat  to  coal  pile  on  shore  being  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  feet;  the  work  is  slow;  through  dis- 
charging coal  on  the  9th.  Weeding  balance  of  peas  on 
the  loth.    Bending  the  standing  corn  on  the  12th.    13th, 


22  8  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

rained  a  little  for  a  moment.  Weeding  stubbles  of  old 
land,  the  12th,  14th,  15th  and  i6th.  Pumping  water 
from  the  river,  every  other  day,  into  sugar  house  pond. 
A  sugar  cane  from  Mr.  Urquhart's  place,  below  the 
city,  with  twelve  red  joints,  measuring  five  feet  six 
inches;  here,  in  1840,  a  sample  cane  measured  seven 
feet  four  inches,  on  the  31st  of  July.  Rain  on  the  20th 
and  2ist.  Through  hoeing  stubbles,  in  old  ground,  on 
the  24th.  A  good  rain  on  the  26th.  Through  cleaning 
ditches  on  the  28th.  A  stubble  cane,  in  new  land,  meas- 
ures six  feet.  Cutting  weeds  on  the  29th,  30th,  and 
31st.  Through  boiling- water  sugar  on  the  31st. 
August.  2d,  made  a  new  plantation  road.  On  the  3d, 
cut  and  carted  away  pissabed  from  the  pastures.  Cut- 
ting weeds  in  the  corn  crop  of  plantation  hands  on  the 
7th.  Begun  hauling  wood  to  sugar  house.  Weather 
too  dry;  heavy  shower  on  the  9th,  in  the  woods,  which 
stopped  ox-carts;  rain  again  on  the  loth  in  the  rear  of 
plantation.  13th,  resumed  hauling  wood.  17th,  rain, 
which  stops  hauling;  light  rain  on  the  19th;  20th,  a 
good  rain.  Cleaning  main  sugar  house  pond.  21st,  a 
partial  rain.  A  garfish  caught  in  the  river,  weighing 
one  hundred  and  forty-seven  pounds.  Through  making 
powdered  sugar.  Cleaning  one  of  the  sugar  house 
ponds  on  the  25th ;  wind  north ;  the  same  weather  as  last 
year  on  the  30th  of  August;  on  the  26th,  wind  north 
again,  weather  too  dry.  28th,  one  thousand  cords  of 
wood  at  the  sugar  house  28th  and  30th,  the  gang  of 
women  breaking  corn.  30th,  rain,  the  heaviest  since  a 
long  while.  3  ist,  rain,  but  with  no  addition  of  water  to 
canal,  which  is  dug  eigthy-six  arpents  back  to  the  plan- 
tation. A  rattle-snake  killed,  measuring  six  feet  long. 
September.  3d,  ox-carts  hauling  wood  from  the  forest. 
On   the  6th,   stock  has   to  be  watered   at  the   river. 


PLANTATION   ROUTINE  229 

Through  digging  main  canal;  lengthening  it  seventeen 
arpents  on  the  8th.  Gathering  peas  the  9th  and  loth. 
Begun  cutting  hay  on  the  nth,  with  the  gang  of  women. 
1 2th,  through  hauling  wood  from  f orrest.  North  wind ; 
thermometer  17°  R.  above  zero,  on  the  12th;  northwest 
wind  on  the  13th ;  thermometer  13°  R.  above  zero.  One 
hundred  hands  cutting  hay.  Thermometer  133^°  R.  on 
the  14th,  and  foggy  until  7  h.  P.M.,  with  cloudy 
weather  in  the  evening;  15th,  cloudy.  Gathering  corn 
and  hauling  hay  on  the  15th,  i6th,  and  17th.  Sixteen 
hands  can  store  in  thirty-six  cart  loads  of  hay  from  1 1 
h.  A.M.  until  night;  the  carts  are  larger  than  in  1845; 
17th,  cloudy.  1 8th,  hauled  hay;  some  loads  remaining 
in  the  field  on  account  of  rain;  19th,  rain  more  or  less, 
the  whole  day;  20th,  rain;  21st,  fair.  22d,  making  hay, 
though  the  weather  is  threatening.  On  the  23d,  gather- 
ing corn  crop  of  plantation  hands.  25th  resumed  hay 
making.  27th,  weather  cloudy  and  cool;  28th,  fair, 
thermometer  15°  R.  above  zero.  29th,  through  making 
hay.  30th,  gathering  corn  of  plantation  hands  and  haul- 
ing hay. 

1853,  July.  2d,  heavy  rain  in  the  morning;  3d,  rain  in 
the  afternoon;  4th,  heavy  rain,  at  2  h.  A.M.,  until  8  h. 
A.M.  Chopping  wood.  The  gang  of  women  cutting 
weeds.  5th,  heavy  rain ;  rain  on  the  6th,  7th,  and  8th ; 
9th,  heavy  rain.  Applied  guano  along  side  of  nine  rows 
of  stubbles.  loth,  weather  fair;  nth,  heavy  rain;  12th, 
rain  much  in  the  morning;  13th,  rain.  14th,  cutting 
weeds  in  pastures,  with  the  women,  and  the  men  chop- 
ping wood.  A  heavy  shower  at  sunset;  rain  on  the  15th 
and  1 6th;  no  rain  on  the  17th  and  i8th.  All  hands  at 
the  hoe  in  the  cane,  for  the  last  time.  A  heavy  rain,  in 
rear  of  plantation,  on  the  19th.    Through  working  cane 


230  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

on  the  20th.  A  light  rain  on  that  day.  21st,  the  men  at 
work  in  the  woods ;  the  women  at  work  in  ditches  and 
canal.  Light  rain  on  the  22d,  23d,  24th,  and  25th.  Same 
kind  of  work  going  on.  Heavy  rain  on  the  25th  and 
26th ;  rain  at  2  o'clock  in  the  morning,  of  the  27th ;  water 
overflowing  roads  in  the  fields ;  the  heaviest  rain  since  a 
long  while.  All  the  laborers  at  work  unloading  coal 
boats  and  lake  bricks,  on  the  28th.  The  men  chopping 
in  the  woods,  on  the  29th ;  the  women  bending  corn  and 
repairing  roads;  cleaning  ditches.  A  stubble  cane 
found  measuring  six  feet  six  inches.  29th,  heavy  rain; 
rain  again  on  the  30th  and  31st. 

August.  Heavy  rains  on  the  ist  and  2d.  The  women 
working  to  roads  in  the  field.  3d,  light  rain;  weather 
fair  on  the  4th  and  5th.  Hoeing  canes  with  all  the  hands, 
on  the  5th ;  hoeing  stubbles  on  the  6th.  Rain  on  the  7th 
in  the  afternoon;  8th,  rain  in  rear  of  plantation,  all  the 
choppers  in  the  woods,  and  women  at  work  in  canals. 
9th,  fair.  The  men  still  chopping  wood,  and  the  women 
working  to  roads.  Heavy  rain,  with  strong  wind,  on 
the  loth;  fair  on  the  nth,  12th  and  13th;  heavy 
rain  on  the  14th,  15th,  and  i6th;  fair  on  the  17th;  on 
the  i8th,  rain  in  rear  of  plantation.  19th,  the  women 
employed  discharging  coal  boat;  the  men  working  the 
roads  for  hauling  wood.  Still  chopping  on  the  20th; 
the  women  unloading  coal  boat.  Heavy  rain  on  the 
2ist,  in  the  afternoon;  weather  fair  the  22d  and  23d. 
Hauling  wood  on  the  24th  and  25th.  The  women 
cutting  weeds  in  corn  of  plantation  hands.  On  the  30th, 
gather  corn,  with  the  women.     .     . 


PLANTATION  ROUTINE  231 

5     COTTON  ROUTINE 

Extracts  from  the  diary  of  Leven  Covington,  whose  plantation  lay  in 
Adams  County,  Miss.,  within  a  day's  wagon  drive  from  Natchez, 
1829-1830.  MS.  in  the  Mississippi  State  Department  of  History  and 
Archives,  Jackson.  The  diary  extends  from  1829  to  1834,  omitting, 
however,  each  year  the  period  from  July  to  February. 

Saturday,  28th  March,  1829.  Ploughs  commenced 
in  new  ground  by  Mackeys  &  finished  on  the  South  side 
of  the  Bayou  at  night.  Hoe  hands  finished  rolling  logs 
&  burning  brush,  at  an  hour  by  sun,  David  putting  new 
beam  in  a  plough  broke  the  other  day.- 

Sunday,  29th.  Left  home  after  breakfast  rode  to 
Jeff  Montgomeries,-Digned  at  Mr.  Kings -Com- 
menced to  rain  at  2  o'clock.  Showery  the  balance  of  the 
evening.    Came  home  in  a  shower - 

Monday,  30th.  Rain  all  day.  3  men  drawing  the 
Well,  some  platting  Shucks,  &  some  Shelling  Corn- 
Women  Spinning- Altered  Coult  (Fiddler)  to  day- 

Tuesday,  31st.  Rained  hard  all  night  last  night  too 
weet  to  plough,  all  hands  pulling  stalks,  till  dinner  then 
made  sheep'  pasture  fence -Altered  &  marked  17 
Calves  &  26  Lambs  to  day  - 

Wednesday,  ist  April,  1829.  Six  Ploughs  in  Poplar 
tree  cut  of  No.  2  -  Commenced  planting  cotton  in 
Groces  field  after  breakfast.  Covering  with  a  harrow 
and  a  roler- Women  and  children  cleaning  up  before 
the  Ploughs  in  No.  2  Abraham  &  Moses  hall  [haul] 
rails  in  sheep  pasture  fence  -  David  making  another 
roler -Jack  &  Jerry  finishing  last  Quarter -P.  K. 
Montgomery  staid  with  me  to  night  on  his  way  to 
Natchez  - 

Thursday,  2nd.  Six  Ploughs  in  long  cut  by  the  old 
road  -  Finished  planting  Groces  field  at  an  hour  by  Sun, 
&  commenced  in  Sheep  Pasture- Women  cleaning  up 


232  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

before  Ploughs  in  No.  2.  Moses  &  Abram  still  hailing 
for  fence  across  sheep  pasture -Jack  &  David  making 
new  invented  Cleaver  for  opening  lists  for  sowing  cot- 
ton. 

Friday,  3rd.  Six  Ploughs  still  in  cut  by  the  old  road  - 
Cleaver  opening,  &  harrow  covering  Cotton  seed  in 
Sheep  pasture  -  Women  put  up  fence  on  the  line  by 
Mackeys  down  to  the  large  hollow  -  Moses  &  Abraham 
finished  hailing  for  pasture  fence -&  hailed  two 
loads  to  horse  lot  at  Barn. 

Saturday,  4th.  Finished  planting  Sheep  pasture  in 
Cotton  at  10  o'clock  A.M.-  Stephen  &  Ben  then  com- 
menced opening  for  corn  in  circle  cut  of  No.  3  -  Women 
planting  after  them,  planted  all  the  soked  Corn  &  then 
finished  putting  up,  &  stakeing  Horse  pen  -  Ploughs 
still  in  cut  by  the  old  Road.  Stopped  at  4  P.M.  by  rain, 
and  commenced  Shelling  corn  -  Dr.  Walton  sent  for 
medicine  for  Sick  Horse. 

Sunday,  5th.  To  Salem  meeting  -  Digned  at  Mack- 
eys, and  got  home  at  sunset  - 

Monday,  6th.  7  Ploughs  in  long  cut  by  old  road  till 
10  o'clock-  then  commenced  small  cut  by  the  Ditch  in 
same  field  &  nearly  finished  it  at  night  -  Women  &  three 
men  finished  fence  on  the  line  by  Mackeys  and  mended 
the  water  gap  -  team  hailing  rails  as  they  ware  put  up 
on  the  fence - 

Tuesday,  7th.  7  Ploughs  finished  cut  by  the  ditch  & 
long  cut  by  the  old  Road  (except  a  small  part  of  each 
too  wet  to  Plough)  at  11  A.M.  and  commenced  on  the 
bottom  cut  of  No.  2  -  Women,  &  three  men  cleaning  up 
before  the  ploughs,-  Team  hailing  rails  to  finish  fence 
arround  Deadn's. 

Wednesday,  8th.  Wind  very  high  from  the  South  & 
quite  clowdy;  rain  commenced  at  breakfast,  a  very  hard 


PLANTATION   ROUTINE  223 

shower  &  considerable  wind  from  the  West  at  half  past 
9  A.M.  Stopped  raining  at  1 1  and  cleared  off  beauti- 
fully at  12.  Plough  boys  rolled  logs  in  Potato  patch  and 
cotton  ground  of  No.  i  and  2  &  commenced  in  slip  of 
new  ground  in  No.  3 -Women  finished  Sheep  pasture 
fence- William  came  up  from  Natchez  for  a  horse  for 
cousin  Dick. 

Thursday,  9th.  The  ground  too  wet  to  plough  in 
No.  2.  All  hands  pulling  stalks  in  upper  cut  on  the  old 
road  of  No.  i  till  breakfast,  then  started  3  Ploughs  in 
same  cut  and  3  in  No.  3  to  finish  small  piece  left  by  the 
pond.  Finished  that  &  then  commenced  ridging  for 
Potatoes  -  Started  Cleaver  to  open,  and  a  harrow  cov- 
ering Cotton  in  the  upper  cuts  of  No.  2 -Two  women 
sowing  seed  the  balance  pulling  stalks,  &  making  fence 
across  wry  patch  - 

Friday,  loth.  Commenced  planting  corn  in  No.  3. 
Six  Ploughs  opening  before  the  hoes  -  Stephen,  Ben  & 
Moses,  opening  &  harrowing  Cotton  in  long  cut  of  No. 
2  -  Mare  Fanny  Foulded. 

Saturday,  nth.  Finished  all  of  No.  3  that  was  dry 
enough  replanted  the  middle,  &  small  cut  next  the  road 
of  No.  4,  &  planted  circle  cut  in  the  same  -  Ploughs  fin- 
ished opening  that  &  the  piece  in  Sheep  Pasture  at 
dinner  &  commenced  listing  for  cotton  again,  in  bot- 
tom cut  of  No.  2-1  met  board  of  Road  Commissioners 
in  Natchez  &  got  home  at  dark  Cousin  Dick  returned 
from  N.  Orleans  -  Messrs.  Farnsworth  &  Rucker  here. 

Sunday,  12.  Mr.  F.  and  myself  attended  Preaching 
at  Christs  Church -I  digned  at  Col.  Woods -&  staid 
all  night  at  J  as.  Woods  - 

Monday,  13th.  Came  home  from  Mr.  Woods,  home 
to  breakfast  -  Ploughs  in  bottom  cut  of  No.  2  till  break- 
fast, then  commenced  in  the  deadning  by  Mackeys, 


234  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

North  side  of  branch  -  Hoe  hands  planted  corn  in 
Sheep  Pasture  the  second  time  (destroyed  by  the  hogs) 
&  then  commenced  to  burn  brush  and  hill  the  new  potato 
patch  -  Commenced  to  rain  at  half  past  2  &  rained 
moderately  till  night,  not  hard  enough  to  stop  work- 
Sent  Jim  to  Natchez  for  cotton  seed  - 

Friday,  ist.  May,  1829.  Ploughs  in  branch  cut  of  No. 
2  -  Hoes  finished  old  field  part  of  No.  4  &  commenced 
in  circle  cut  by  the  Brick  Kiln  Left  Mr.  Shields'  at  10 
o'clock  digned  at  Jeff  Montgomeries  attended  Writing 
School  &  got  home  at  night  - 

Saturday,  2nd.  Ploughs  finished  branch  cut  of  No. 
2  at  4  P.M.  &  started  in  bottom  cut  of  No.  i.  Hoes  re- 
planted part  of  upper  cut  of  No.  3  &  Corn  in  Sheep  pas- 
ture -  Started  2  ploughs  throwing  off  from  cotton  in 
Groces  field  -  Mr.  John  Newman  digned  here  today. 

Sunday,  3rd.  Preaching  at  Salem  in  the  morning 
H.  Dunbar  &  Rucker  digned  with  me  -  Rode  with  Dun- 
bar nearly  to  Fauvers  on  his  way  home  &  returned  with 
Caleb  Knight  &  home. 

Monday,  4th.  Rained  commenced  in  the  night  with 
a  great  deal  of  thunder,  &  lightning,  &  continued  till 
breakfast.  Men  shelling  Corn -Women  Spinning  till 
dinner  then  finished  pulling  stalks  in  No.  i  and  com- 
menced to  plant  upper  cut  on  old  Road,  in  No.  i.  Run 
the  Mill  till  Dinner. 

Tuesday,  5th.  Rain  commenced  before  breakfast  & 
continued  (at  intervals)  all  day -Men  shelling  corn, 
cutting  potatoe  roots  &  thrashing  Pease  -Women  Spin- 
ning- Grinding  all  day. 

Wednesday,  6th.  Ploughs  finished  bottom  cut  of 
No.  I  &  nearly  to  old  ditch,  in  new  part  of  the  same  - 
commenced  planting  again  in  No.  i  after  breakfast- 


PLANTATION   ROUTINE  235 

&  commenced  Scraping  Cotton  in  Groces  field  -  ground 
very  wet  -  cotton  grassy  - 

Thursday,  7th.  Ploughs  finished  new  part  of  No.  i 
and  commenced  in  bottom  cut  of  No.  2  left  on  account 
of  the  water -Hoes  still  in  Groces  field,  two  ploughs 
throwing  off  before  them  -  Planting  middle  cut  of 
No.  I. 

Friday,  8th.  Ploughs  in  bottom  cut  of  No.  2  -  Hoes 
scrapeing  cotton  in  Sheep  pasture  commenced  after 
breakfast,  finished  scrapeing,  &  replanting  Groces  field 
at  breakfast-  Still  planting  middle  cut  of  No.  i  -Jack 
&  David  hailed  timber  for  fence  across  Coles  creek - 
Sprinkled  of  rain  at  4  P.M.    Cleared  off  by  eight. 

Saturday,  9th.  Ploughs  finished  bottom  cut  of  No. 
2  &  nearly  finished  small  cut  by  the  old  Rice  patch  hoes 
finished  scrapeing  in  Sheep  pasture  &  planted  small 
piece  of  new  ground  in  No.  4  with  corn  -  Two  Ploughs 
throwing  of  from  cotton  in  No.  2  -  Cleaver  &  harrow 
planting  corn  in  hollow  back  of  Jerrys  house -Jack 
&  David  placed  and  staked  two  logs  across  Coles  creek 
for  a  fence  -  Baithed  in  the  creek  this  evening. 

Sunday,  loth.  Caleb  King  &  myself  digned  at  Mr. 
Sam  Dunbars  - 1  staid  all  night  at  Mr.  Turpins  -Anna 
Mare  foulded. 

Monday,  nth.  Ploughs  finished  No.  2  &  commenced 
at  12  o'clock  in  cut  below  the  Gin  of  No.  i  -  Hoes  fin- 
ished circle  part  of  long  cut  of  No.  2  &  commenced  in 
Poplar  tree  cut -Planting  of  left  side  of  road  to  Gin- 
Spent  the  day  in  the  board  of  Road  Commissioners, 
got  to  Washington  at  dark  &  staid  all  night. 

Tuesday,  12th.  Ploughs  still  in  cut  below  the  Gin  - 
Hoes  finished  all  the  first  planting  in  No.  2  at  5  P.M.- 
(Gulf  Seed)  &  commenced  replanting  corn  in  No.  3- 
Two  ploughs  commenced  throwing  off  in  new  field  at 


CLS^  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

Mackeys  (Warren  Seed)  finished  planting  on  the  left 
of  the  road  &  commenced  on  the  right  after  dinner, 
dropping  seed  given  me  by  Mr.  Hall  -  Came  home  to 
breakfast  from  Washington  -  Dr.  Walton  started  for 
the  purchase  via  Warren  County. 

Wednesday,  13th.  Ploughs  in  Appletree  cut  of  No. 
I.  Hoes  finished  replanting  No.  3  &  commenced 
Scrapeing  New^  ground  by  Mackeys  at  10  o'clock.  Two 
ploughs  throwing  off  before  the  hoes  -  Planting  in 
branch  cut  of  No.  2. 

Thursday,  14th.  Ploughs  in  appletree  cut  of  No.  i. 
Hoes  in  new  ground  till  12  o'clock  then  stopped  by  the 
rain -Planted  Potatoes  by  the  Barn,  in  the  evening - 
Started  after  dinner  to  Shields  Wedding - 

Friday,  15th.  Ploughs  finished  Appletree  cut  at 
dinner  &  commenced  in  the  Tasker  field  -  Hoes  in  new 
ground  till  stopped  by  rain  at  3  P.M.-AU  hands  shell- 
ing Corn  -  Staid  at  P.  Harrison's  all  night  on  my  way 
from  the  wedding- Phillips  finished  pecking  Mill- 
Creek  rose  over  my  fence  without  injuring  it  - 

Saturday  i6th.  Ploughs  finished  small  piece  by  the 
Fodder  house  in  No.  i  at  dinner,  &  returned  to  Tasker 
field  -  Hoe  hands  making  fence  between  the  upper  field 
&  Sheep  pasture.  Chopping  briers,  &  setting  up  corn  in 
Sheep  pasture  -  Six  men  makeing  upper  fence  across 
the  creek-  Ground  till  dinner-  Rain  commenced  at  12 
o'clock.  Came  home  to  breakfast  from  Harrisons - 
Planting  in  bottom  No.  i. 

Sunday,  17th.  Rucker  digned  with  me  &  started  to 
Natchez  after  dinner  -  I  rode  to  Mr.  Halls  saw  his  crop 
&  returned  at  sunset  in  a  shower  of  rain  - 

Monday,  i8th.  Ploughs  in  field  across  the  Spring 
branch.  Hoe  hands  fencing  along  the  creek  at  the  same 
place  till  dinner  then  moved  the  rails  along  the  old 


PLANTATION   ROUTINE  237 

road,  &  commenced  scraping  in  long  cut  of  No.  2  (Sum 
Seed  two  rows  above  willow  stump)  about  two  hours 
by  sun  -  Rain  at  3  P.M.  not  enough  to  stop  work  -  Fin- 
ished planting  bottom  cut  of  No.  2  at  5  P.M.  &  com- 
menced in  new  part  of  No.  i. 

Tuesday,  19th.  Ploughs  still  in  upper  field  across 
spring  branch  -  Hoes  still  scraping  long  cut  of  No.  2 
till  Dinner,  then  scraped  part  of  upper  cut  by  old  Road 
of  No.  I,  considerable  showers  of  rain  at  dinner -D. 
Chambers  arrived  at  night.- 

Wednesday,  20th.  Ploughs  finished  upper  field  at 
dinner,  started  two  in  the  orchard  to  plough  for  Pease 
&  four  in  No.  4-  Hoes  in  New  ground  by  Mackeys- 
Showery  all  the  fore  part  of  the  day  -  On  settlement  with 
Chambers  deducted  from  rent  proceeds  of  Cotton 
$419.08  &  half  of  Bagging  &  Cordage  -  Rode  to  Wash- 
ington with  Chambers  after  dinner -Edm'd  &  Clem 
arrived  in  the  evening  -  Planting  in  Appletree  cut  of 
No.  I.- 
Thursday, 2 1  St.  Ploughs  as  yesterday  -  Hoes  fin- 
ished Scraping  &  replanting  deadning  at  dinner,  &  com- 
menced sidleing  ditch  cut  of  No.  2  -  Rain  all  day 
Showery  -  Thrashed  Pease  with  Plough  boys  in  the 
evening- Edm'd.  &  self  started  to  Wedding  at  Isaac 
Dunbars  at  5  P.M.  &  stopped  by  rain  -  Planting  in  cut 
below  the  Gin  of  No.  i. 

Friday,  22nd.  Ploughs  in  No.  4  throwing  ofT  from 
Corn.  Hoes  sidleing  cotton  in  No.  2  -  Rain  at  3  P.M.- 
Edm'd  and  I  went  to  Washington  in  the  evening - 

Saturday,  23rd.  Ploughs  finished  No.  4  at  night - 
Two  throwing  of  in  bottom  cut  of  No.  2.  Hoes  started 
in  the  same  at  eleven  A.M.-  In  Natchez  all  day  at- 
tended board  of  Road  Commissioners  &  staid  in  Wash- 
ington all  night  -  Finished  planting  Taskers  F. 


238  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

Sunday,  24th.  Came  home  to  Dinner.  Rode  with 
Edm'd  to  Hoggatts  ford  &  returned  by  Halls -Judge 
Ellick  came  home  with  me  &  spent  the  night  -  A  light 
shower  of  rain  in  the  evening  - 

Monday,  25th.  Six  ploughs  in  No.  3  two  throwing 
of  before  the  hoes,  finished  first  planting  in  bottom  cut 
&  started  in  bottom  part  of  long  cut  at  5  P.M.-  Started 
one  plough  moulding  first  scraper  Cotton  after  dinner - 

Tuesday,  26th.  Two  ploughs  moulding  in  old  Sheep 
pasture  and  two  started  after  breakfast  in  upper  cut  of 
No.  2  -  Five  Ploughs  in  No.  3  -  Hoes  in  long  cut  of 
No.  2,  nearly  finished  (Sum  Seed)  Clem  and  Jack  mak- 
ing Coal  Kiln  -  Dr.  Walton  &  I.  Montgomery. 

Wednesday,  27th.  Six  Ploughs  in  No.  3-4.  Mould- 
ing Cotton  -  2  finished  Sheep  pasture  &  commenced  in 
Groces  Field.  Hoes  finished  a  few  rows  in  long  cut 
Poplar  Tree  cut  &  ditch  cut  at  5  P.M.  &  commenced 
scraping  Potatoes  -  Considerable  Thunder  this  evening 
&  a  black  clowd  at  the  South,  no  rain  - 

Thursday,  28th.  Stopped  the  Plough  in  No.  3  & 
started  the  hoes  in  the  same  at  dinner -Two  Ploughs 
breaking  middles  in  Popular  tree  cut  of  No.  2  after 
dinner  &  two  listing  old  Rice  patch,  two  still  moulding 
in  Groces  field  -  finished  scraping  potatoes  at  dinner - 
stopped  by  a  shower  of  rain  at  4  P.M.-  Thrashed  pease, 
Shelled  corn  &  ground  the  balance  of  the  day- 

Friday,  29th.  Finished  moulding  Gulf  Seed  cotton 
in  No.  2,  at  breakfast  &  started  to  moulding  in  the  dead- 
ning.  Two  still  in  Groces  field  -  Hoes  finished  circle 
cut  and  part  of  upper  cut  of  No.  3  at  breakfast,  &  com- 
menced at  2  O'clock  &  continued  till  5 -Thrashed 
Pease,  laid  up  pasture  fence  below  the  Gin,  &  moved 
cotton  Seed  out  of  the  Gin  - 

Saturday,  30th.     All  hands  transplanting  corn  in  No. 


PLANTATION   ROUTINE  239 

4  till  breakfast,  then  started  4  Ploughs  throwing  off 
from  corn  in  old  Sheep  pasture,  finished  that  &  broke 
up  middles  in  cotton  part  of  same  -  Hoes  finished  trans- 
planting and  commenced  after  the  ploughs  to  scrape 
corn  at  12  o'clock,  finished  and  scraped  small  piece  of 
cotton  the  second  time  &  stopped  an  hour  by  sun  -  Con- 
siderable thunder  &  a  sprinkle  of  Rain  at  half  past 
3  PM.- 

Sunday,  3  ist.  To  Union  Chappie  to  hear  Dr.  Cooper 
preach  and  an  Indian  give  his  experience- Digned  at 
Jeff  Montgomeries  to  see  Caleb  King  in  the  evening  & 
home  at  night  - 

Monday,  ist.  June,  1829  Three  Ploughs  throv^^ing 
off  from  corn  in  No.  3 -Two  finished  Groces  field  & 
joined  the  others  in  the  deadning  -  Hoes  finished  bottom 
cut  &  started  in  middle  cut  of  No.  3.  A  very  black 
cloud  &  considerable  thunder  from  the  East  passed 
around  with  only  a  light  sprinkle  of  rain  at  5  P.M. 

Tuesday,  2nd.  Excessive  rain  last  night -Three 
ploughs  finished  breaking  middles  in  Sheep  pasture  & 
started  in  Groces  field  at  an  hour  by  sun  two  throwing 
off  before  the  hoes  in  upper  cut  (along  the  old  road)  of 
No.  I  &  finished  at  night -started  two  cultivators  in 
long  cut  of  No.  2. 

Wednesday,  3rd.  Three  ploughs  still  in  Groces  field. 
Three  throwing  ofif  before  the  hoes  -  Cultivators  still  in 
long  cut  of  No.  2 -Hoes  scraped  middle  cut,  &  new 
ground  part  of  No.  i  to  the  end  of  large  pond  comeing 
to  the  old  road  -  First  scraped  cotton  quite  grassy - 

Thursday,  4th.  Five  ploughs  in  Groces  field.  Three 
throwing  off  in  bottoms  of  No.  i  -  One  cultivator  fin- 
ished long  cut  &  started  in  bottoms  cut  of  No.  2  -  Hoes 
finished  new  ground  part  of  No.  i  at  dinner,  &  right 
hand  side  of  road  to  Quarter  at  night- 


240  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

Friday,  5th.  Ploughs  finished  Groces  field  at  break- 
fast and  started  in  the  deadning-  Hoes  in  branch  cut  of 
No.  2  finished  and  scraped  a  few  rows  on  the  left  of 
the  road  to  Quarter -T.  Newman  &  self  attended  fu- 
neral of  Miss  King  &  returned  to  dinner. 

Saturday,  6th.  Five  Ploughs  in  deadning.  Two 
throwing  off  from  Cotton  in  bottom  cut  of  No.  2  -  Hoes 
sidled  Cotton  on  left  of  the  road  to  Quarter  &  scraped 
to  large  pond  in  bottom  cut  of  No.  2.  Rain  commenced 
at  2  o'clock  with  considerable  wind,  &  continued  show- 
ery till  night. 

Sunday,  7th.  Rode  to  Washington  with  T.  Newman 
&  returned  at  night  -  Rain  all  the  morning  &  until 
2  P.M. 

Monday,  8th.  5  Ploughs  in  Deadning.  Two  throw- 
ing off  in  bottom  cut  of  No.  2  till  dinner,  then  in  middle 
cut  of  No.  3.  Moses  &  Richard  finished  replanting 
the  cut  below  the  Gin  &  commenced  moulding  in  long 
cut  of  No.  2  at  4  P.M.-  Hoes  finished  bottom  cut  of  No. 
2,  at  3  P.M.,  hoed  over  point  of  corn  between  the 
Bridges,  &  started  in  upper  cut  of  No.  3.  Mornings 
very  cool,  weather  fair. 

Tuesday,  9th.  Ploughs  finished  deadning  at  Din- 
ner &  started  in  old  field  corn,  four  moulding  cotton  in 
No.  2.  Hoes  in  middle  cut  of  No.  3  -  Started  David  to 
Natchez  after  dinner,  and  went  to  Washington  at  night. 

Wednesday,  loth.  Ploughs  finished  old  field  & 
started  in  Circle  cut  of  No.  4  an  hour  by  sun,  four 
moulding  in  bottom  cut  of  No.  2.  Clem  &  Jack  making 
&  Sharpening  cultivators  -  Loaded  David  &  started  out 
of  Natchez  at  10  O'clock -Came  by  Mr.  Turpins  & 
Uncle  Sandays  house  an  hour  by  sun- 

Thursday,  nth.  Five  Ploughs  in  No.  4,  four  mould- 
ing cotton  till  dinner  then  started  three  to  throwing  off 


PLANTATION   ROUTINE  241 

in  bottom  cut  of  No.  i.    Hoes  scraped  left  side  of  road 
to  Gin  &  started  after  the  ploughing  in  No.  i. 

Friday,  12th.  Five  Ploughs  in  middle  cut  of  No.  4, 
four  throwing  off  from  cotton  in  the  bottom,  &  Apple- 
tree  cuts  of  No.  I  -  Hoes  scraped  bottom  &  Appletree 
cuts  except  a  few  rows  replanted  in  the  first  &  a  few 
short  rows  to  finish  in  the  latter-  Weather  very  warm, 
considerable  lightning  at  night.     E. 

Saturday,  13th.  Four  Ploughs  in  corn  in  old  Sheep 
pasture  five  finished  middle  cut  of  No.  4  &  started  in 
the  cut  next  the  road-  Hoes  finished  Appletree  cut  of 
No.  I  &  hoed  young  corn  in  No.  4 -Rain  at  half  past 
three  P.M.-  Stopped  at  half  past  5.  Rucker  &  myself 
rode  over  to  see  Caleb  King,  sick  - 

Sunday,  14th.  Digned  at  Mr.  Kings  and  attended 
the  funeral  of  Major  Montgomery  at  i  o'clock.  Two 
considerable  showers  of  rain  this  evening  &  smart  wind. 

Monday,  15th.  All  the  Ploughs  breaking  the  mid- 
dles in  hollow  back  of  Jerrys  old  house  -  Hoe  hands 
thinned  corn  in  old  field  and  No.  4  till  breakfast,  then 
commenced  second  hoeing  in  Poplar  tree  cut  of  No.  2  - 
Ground  very  wet  in  the  morning  -  cotton  very  fine ;  knee 
high  &  well  branched  &  /orm^  J -Weather  fine,  a  few 
clowds,  but  a  hot  sun  all  day. 

Tuesday,  i6th.  All  the  Ploughs  in  Corn,  five  in  No. 
4  &  three  in  old  Sheep  pasture  -  Hoes  finished  all  the 
snodgrass  seed  in  No.  2  at  sunset,  &  started  in  Sheep 
pasture, 

Wednesday,  17th.  Ploughs  finished  corn  in  No.  4 
&  started  in  No.  3  at  breakfast,  those  in  the  hills  finished 
at  dinner  and  commenced  moulding  cotton  in  No.  i  - 
Hoes  finished  cotton  in  Sheep  pasture  &  a  set  of  rows  in 
groces  field  -  considerable  thunder  &  appearance  of 
rain  at  night  to  the  East,  passed  around  with  light 
sprinkle    Rode  from  Washington  after  din. 


242  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

Thursday,  i8th.  Five  Ploughs  in  bottom  cut  of  No. 
3,  four  moulding  in  middle  cut  of  No.  i  -  Hoes  fin- 
ished groces  field  except  a  few  short  rows -Weather 
very  fine  - 

Thursday,  i8th.  February,  1830.  Started  one  Plough 
in  Wry  lot  at  12  o'clock-  Seven  men  choping  &  mail- 
ing rails  for  pasture  -  Women  at  the  bottom  of  field  No. 
I  fencing-  Cass  &  I  started  to  Mr.  Turpins  after  Din- 
ner. 

Friday,  19th.  In  Natchez  all  day -Plough  in  or- 
chard 4  men  choping  on  thicket  at  the  upper  part  of  field 
No.  2 -Women  stakeing  fence  arround  No.  i-Jim 
hailing  rails  on  pasture  fence  -  Rain  &  considerable 
wind  commenced  about  1 1  o'clock  at  night. 

Saturday,  20th.  Digned  in  Washington  on  the 
way  home,  from  Natchez- Weather  showery  till  11 
o'clock- Plough  in  the  orchard  Men  at  the  press - 
Women  pulling  stalks  on  the  left  of  Road  to  Gin  - 

Sunday,  21st.  Digned  at  home  -  Rode  to  Mr.  Halls 
in  the  evening  to  borrow  a  yoke  of  oxen,  no  body  at 
home. 

Monday,  22nd.  Started  2  Ploughs  in  the  orchard - 
four  men  mailing,  two  at  the  Press,  two  clearing  in  up- 
per part  of  field  No.  2 -Team  hailing  rails  at  the  bot- 
tom of  No.  2. 

Tuesday  23rd.  Ploughs  finished  orchard  at  Dinner 
&  started  in  upper  part  of  Corn  field  No.  i  Men  as  yes- 
terday Women  pulling  stalks  in  Branch  cut  of  No.  2- 
Team  brought  a  load  of  fodder  from  Mrs.  Winstons- 
Rain  all  day. 

Wednesday,  24th.  Caleb  King,  Rucker  &  Alden  &c 
passed  in  the  rain  to  Smiths  Wedding- Showery  all 
day.  Men  at  the  press -Women  piling  brush  in  new 
ground. 


PLANTATION   ROUTINE  243 

Thursday,  25th.  Caleb,  Rucker  &  Alden  took  break- 
fast on  their  way  from  the  wedding,  &  wated  till  eleven 
o'clock  for  the  creek  to  fall  -  Men  at  the  press  till  3 
P.M.  then  chopping  in  clearing- Women  piling  brush. 

Friday  26.  Four  Men  mailing  rails  for  Hog  pas- 
ture, balance  cleaning  up  in  Deadning  by  Mackeys- 
Women  puling  stalks  in  long  cut  of  No.  2  till  Dinner, 
then  in  the  mackey  field  till  night- Started  ploughs 
again  in  upper  part  of  field  No.  i  ground  still  quite 
wet- 

Saturday,  27th.  Men  &  women  making  fence  from 
the  mouth  of  Branch  to  the  line  of  division  on  the  creek. 
Doctor  Walton  digned  &  staid  all  night  with  us  -  Cass 
and  I  rode  out  after  dinner,  &  met  mother,  and  Mr.  W. 
Winston,  at  Mr.  Mecuens-Two  ploughs  still  follow- 
ing upper  part  of  No.  i. 

Sunday,  28th.  Ben  &  Dr.  Walton  left  after  break- 
fast Ben  for  Mr.  Tuckers,  Dr.  W.  to  see  a  patient  at 
Hoggatts  Quarter.  Mother  &  Mr.  Winston  started 
home  after  Dinner.  Cass  &  I  rode  a  part  of  the  way  & 
called  at  Mr.  McCuens  on  our  return  -  Cassandra  had 
considerable  fever  when  we  got  home  -  Took  medicine 
&  was  quite  sick  all  night - 

March  ist,  Monday.  Started  two  more  ploughs  in 
field  No.  I.  Four  men  mailing.  Nick  and  the  women 
fencing  at  the  bottom  of  No.  i  till  dinner,  then  chop- 
ping briers,  and  sprouts,  at  the  bottom  of  the  same  field. 
Team  hailing  coal  till  dinner,  then  hailing  rails  in  hog 
pasture.  Thunder  and  lightning  and  excessive  hard 
rain  commenced  at  9  P.M. 

Tuesday,  2nd  March.  All  hands  pulling  stalks  in 
long  cut  of  No.  2  till  breakfast;  -  then  started  the 
ploughs  in  upper  cut  of  No.  i,  4  men  mailing -W^omen 
cleaning  up  in  the  same  field -Team  hailing  rails 
arround  hog  pasture  -  Clowdy  &  Cool  all  day. 


244  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

Thursday,  4th.  Heavy  rain  all  day.  Commenced 
at  4  A.M.  Wind  S.E.  Shelled,  &  ground  allowance 
for  next  week.  Assorted,  &  nubbed  Corn  for  planting  - 
Cleaned  up  corn  crib  -  Clem  &  Jo  in  the  shop  making 
Ploughs  - 

Friday,  5th.  All  hands  puling  Stalks  till  3  P.M. 
finished  field  No.  2,  then  roling  logs  &  cleaning  up  in 
bottom  part  of  No.  i.  Weather  clowdy,  &  misty  about 
I  o'clock  -  Ground  very  wet  with  yesterday  &  last 
night's  rain  - 

Saturday,  6th.  Men  belting  trees  in  new  ground, 
in  field  No.  2  Women  cutting  briers  in  the  same  -  All 
stopped  at  4  P.M.-  Cass  &  I  started  for  Sandy  Creek 
at  10  A.M.  As  soon  as  we  left  home  Mr.  &  Mrs.  Wal- 
ton came. 

Sunday,  7th.  From  Gen'l.  Winstons  after  breakfast, 
digned  at  Mt.  Wellcome  &  home  in  the  evening -Jo 
Winston  with  us. 

Monday,  8th.  Five  Ploughs  in  No.  i,  finished  up- 
per, and  commenced  in  bottom  cut  after  dinner  -  Four 
men  mailing- Women  making  a  ditch  on  the  N  side 
of  same  field  -  Team  hailing  rails  for  pasture  -  weather 
clear,  &  fine  -    .     .     . 


III.    TYPES  OF  PLANTATION 

I     VIRGINIA  TIDE  WATER 

(a)     Virginia  Gazette   (Williamsburg),  Feb.  5,  1767.    Advertisement 

To  BE  SOLD  ON  REASONABLE  TERMS 

Three  thousand  acres  of  land,  in  King  William 
county,  two  thousand  of  which  lies  on  the  river  Mattap- 
ony,  about  eight  miles  above  West  Point,  and  about 
four  miles  from  Clairborne's  ferry;  there  are  two  hand- 
some seats  on  the  said  two  thousand  acres  of  land,  the 
one  on  which  the  subscriber  lives  has  a  very  fine  large 
and  genteel  brick  house,  two  story  high,  with  four 
rooms  above  and  four  below,  with  a  fireplace  to  each 
room,  a  large  passage,  four  fine  cellars,  and  cellar  pass- 
age, the  work,  both  brick  and  wood,  as  well  done  as  any 
in  this  colony,  all  convenient  out-houses,  a  well  accus- 
tomed mill,  a  large  apple  orchard  of  Hughes's  and 
white  apples,  about  fifty  or  sixty  acres  of  very  good 
marsh,  a  large  garden  newly  paled  in,  the  situation  and 
prospect  very  pleasant,  and  great  plenty  of  fish  and 
wild  fowl.  The  other  is  also  a  fine  and  agreeable  situ- 
ation, with  a  good  dwelling-house  and  out-houses,  with 
peach  and  apple  orchards.  These  lands  are  very  good 
for  tobacco,  Indian  corn,  wheat,  oats,  &c.  has  several 
fine  places  for  meadows,  and  is  in  general  exceeding 
level  and  well  timbered,  and  in  very  good  order  for 
cropping,  with  plenty  of  tobacco  houses,  barns,  Negro 
quarters,  &c.  The  other  thousand  acres  of  land  lies  on 
the  same  river  (Mattapony)  about  Uvo  or  three  miles 
above  West  Point,  is  extremely  level  and  well  timbered, 


246  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

and  has  belonging  to  it  one  hundred  and  fifty  or  sixty 
acres  of  very  fine  marsh,  so  firm,  dry,  and  hard,  that 
carriages  of  great  burthen  go  on  it,  and  is  of  the  greatest 
advantage  to  stocks  of  cattle,  hogs,  &c.  where  numbers 
may  be  raised  with  little  trouble  and  expense,  and  a 
ready  market  for  them.  This  land,  as  well  as  the  other, 
is  exceeding  good,  and  produces  fine  tobacco,  corn, 
wheat,  oats,  &c.  has  several  places  for  meadow,  great 
plenty  of  fish  and  fowl,  is  in  good  order  for  cropping, 
and  has  tobacco  houses,  quarters,  and  other  convenient 
houses.  Any  person  inclinable  to  purchase  may  be 
shown  these  lands,  and  know  the  terms,  by  applying  to 

Thomas  Moore. 
N.B.  Large  stocks  of  cattle,  hogs,  &c.  with  several 
blooded  mares  and  plow  horses,  may  be  bought  with  or 
without  the  land.-  T.  M. 

(b)     Virginia   Gazette,   October   6,   1774. 

TO  BE  RENTED  FROM  YEAR  TO  YEAR,  OR  FOR  A  TERM 
OF  YEARS 

Belvoir,  the  beautiful  Seat  of  the  Honourable  George 
William  Fairfax,  Esq;  lying  upon  Potowmack  River 
in  Fairfax  County,  about  fourteen  Miles  below  Alex- 
andria. The  Mansion  House  is  of  Brick,  two  Stories 
high,  with  four  convenient  Rooms  and  a  large  Passage 
on  the  lower  Floor,  five  Rooms  and  a  Passage  on  the 
second,  and  a  Servants  Hall  and  Cellars  below,  con- 
venient Offices,  Stables,  and  Coach-House  adjoining, 
as  also  a  large  and  well  furnished  Garden,  stored  with  a 
great  Variety  of  valuable  Fruits,  in  good  Order.  Ap- 
pertaining to  the  Tract  on  which  these  Houses  stand, 
and  which  contains  near  2000  Acres  (surrounded  in  a 
Manner  by  navigable  Water)  are  several  valuable  Fish- 
eries, and  a  good  Deal  of  cleared  Land  in  different 
Parts,  which  may  be  let  altogether,  or  separately,  as 


1^/7-^71, 


J 


2     Plantation  Equipment— Northern  Neck  of  Virginia 

Overseer's    report    on    live-stock,    buildings,   equipment,   and   slaves  belonging   to 
James  Mercer's  four  plantations.      M  S.  in   private  possession 


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TYPES  OF  PLANTATION  251 

shall  be  found  most  convenient.  The  Terms  may  be 
known  of  Colonel  Washington,  who  lives  near  the 
Premises,  or  of  me  in  Berkley  County. 

Francis  Willis,  Junior. 

3    A  RICE  ESTATE  ON  THE  NORTH  CAROLINA  COAST 

Charleston  City  Gazette,  Jan.  17,  1825.    Advertisement 

Will  be  sold  at  Public  Auction,  at  the  Court  House, 
in  the  town  of  Wilmington,  N.  C.  on  the  first  day  of  De- 
cember next- 

All  that  Plantation,  lying  in  the  county  of  Bruns- 
wick, State  of  North-Carolina,  known  by  the  name 
of  Orton,  late  the  residence  of  Gov.  Benjamin  Smith, 
containing  4975  acres,  more  or  less.  Of  this  tract 
between  400  and  500  acres  is  swamp  land,  of  a  strong 
and  fertile  soil,  which,  it  is  believed,  will  pro- 
duce at  least  1000  lbs.  of  Cotton,  or  4  tierces  of  Rice,  to 
the  acre,  and  is  more  capable  of  being  well  drained  than 
any  on  the  river,  the  fall  of  the  tide  being  at  least  45^ 
feet.  Orton  is  a  valuable  and  beautiful  Plantation,  situ- 
ate on  the  Cape-Fear  river,  about  16  miles  below  Wil- 
mington, which  affords  a  good  market  for  all  kinds  of 
produce,  and  about  14  miles  above  Smithville,  a  place 
in  high  repute  for  its  salubrity  and  pleasantness  as  a 
summer  retreat.  Included  in  the  premises  is  a  very 
superior  and  never  failing  Mill  Stream,  with  an  excel- 
lent Dam,  wanting  only  flood  gates  -  the  Rice  Machine, 
Mill  and  Gin  having  been  recently  destroyed  by  fire. 
The  Pond  may  be  used  at  all  times  as  a  reservoir  of 
water  to  flow  the  low  lands,  thus  rendering  Orton  one 
of  the  most  valuable  Rice  Plantations  in  the  country, 

A  liberal  credit  will  be  given,  the  particulars  of  which 
will  be  made  known  on  the  day  of  sale,  or  sooner,  if  ap- 
plication be  made  to  the  subscriber.    The  premises  can 


252  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

be  viewed  at  any  time,  and  possession  will  be  delivered 
immediately  after  the  sale. 

W.  Anderson,  Cashier  of  the  Bank  of  Cape  Fear. 
Wilmington,  August  28,  1824. 

4    A  SEA-ISLAND  COTTON  ESTATE 

Charleston   City   Gazette,   Jan.    17,   1825.    Advertisement. 

For  Sale:  That  Valuable  Plantation  called  the 
Point  Plantation  upon  Wondoo  River,  about  i6  miles 
only  from  the  city  with  a  good  landing  at  the  House. 
This  tract  contains  by  a  late  survey  1120  acres,  all  well 
wooded  -  about  300  acres  clear,  and  some  of  it  under 
fence,  of  excellent  cotton  and  provision  land.  This  tract 
would  be  to  an  industrious  purchaser  very  valuable. 
Upon  the  premises  there  is  a  good  dwelling  house  of  six 
rooms,  a  good  kitchen.  Overseer's  house,  cotton  house, 
corn  house,  and  fodder  house,  a  new  carriage  house  and 
stable,  also  a  mule  stable,  and  ox  house,  and  dairy  all  in 
good  order,  also  an  excellent  well  of  water  in  the  yard, 
a  good  garden  with  a  number  of  choice  fruit  trees  -  the 
terms  will  be  accommodating  to  an  approved  purchaser, 
and  possession  given  immediately. 

Apply  to  Ogier  &  Carter,  Broad  street. 

N.B.  There  are  negro  houses  to  accommodate  50 
or  60  negroes. 

5    THE  GEORGIA  UPLANDS 

Augusta   (Georgia)    Chronicle,  July  12,  1800.     Advertisement. 

For  Sale :  Plantation.  That  well  known  plantation 
formerly  owned  and  occupied  by  Major  David  Cres- 
well,  lying  six  miles  below  the  town  of  Washington, 
and  44  miles  above  the  city  of  Augusta  -  containing 
1075  acres  of  land.  It  has  on  it  a  large  two  story  dwell- 
ing house,  kitchen,  barns,  stables  a  house  for  distillery 


TYPES  OF  PLANTATION  253 

and  cotton  machine,  with  such  advantages  as  render  it 
a  desirable  object,  for  any  one  who  wishes  to  go  exten- 
sively into  the  farming  or  planting  business.  It  has  on  it 
one  of  the  finest  peach  orchards  in  the  state,  consisting 
of  about  five  thousand  bearing  trees.  Perhaps  no  place 
in  the  upper  country  is  possessed  of  greater  advantages, 
in  point  of  health,  society,  goodness  of  soil  and  improve- 
ments. 

Any  person  wishing  to  become  a  purchaser,  may 
know  the  terms  by  applying  to  the  proprietor  at  Au- 
gusta. Benjamin  Sims. 

6    A  RED  river  ESTABLISHMENT 

Red  River  Republican  (Alexandria,  La.),  Jan.  6,  1849. 

Sugar  lands  and  negroes  for  sale  on  red  river, 
above  the  town  of  alexandria 

The  proprietor  of  several  thousand  arpents  of  land, 
situated  as  above,  (being  in  a  body),  is  desirous  to  dis- 
pose of  45  acclimated  negroes,  together  with  any  num- 
ber of  arpents  of  land  not  less  than  one  thousand,  which 
shall  include  all  the  cleared  land,  about  400  arpents, 
now  in  the  culture  of  cotton  and  corn,  with  about  10  ar- 
pents of  sugar  cane  for  seed,  and  all  the  improvements, 
viz :  A  spacious  frame  Gin  House,  Grist  Mill,  &c.  &c., 
a  frame  dwelling,  Negro  quarters.  Corn  Crib,  Cistern 
House,  Smoke  House,  Black  Smith  Shop,  (and  tools) 
Stables,  Fodder  House,  Cotton  Houses,  and  Sheds,  and 
about  fifty  thousand  Bricks.  Also,  30  head  of  Horses 
and  Mules ;  Wagons  and  plantation  implements,  a  good 
stock  of  cattle  and  hogs,  and  a  bountiful  supply  of  corn 
and  fodder. 

Among  the  negroes  there  are  two  first  rate  house  serv- 
ants, a  man  and  woman ;  one  carpenter,  one  rough  black- 
smith, and  a  driver  not  to  be  surpassed  by  any  in  the 


254  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

State.  The  balance  will  average  with  any  set  of  hands 
for  good  working  and  faithful  subjects. 

The  land  is  well  situated,  and  admitted  to  be  equal,  if 
not  superior,  to  any  in  the  State. 

The  owner  is  determined  to  sell  in  consequence  of  ill 
health. 

The  terms  can  be  made  to  suit  a  purchaser,  who  can 
command  about  ten  thousand  dollars  in  money,  or  good 
property  situated  in  the  city  of  New  Orleans,  will  be 
received  in  part  payment  or  for  the  whole. 

In  the  event  the  property  is  not  sold  by  the  first  of  Jan- 
uary next,  the  owner  will  go  on  to  pitch  a  crop  of  Cot- 
ton, Corn  and  Cane,  and  the  plantation  will  be  still  in 
market  with  the  growing  crop. 

Possession  can  be  given  the  first  of  January.  For 
further  particulars  address  A,  D.,  Republican  Office, 
Alexandria,  La. 

7    THE  SHENANDOAH  REGIME 

(a)     Extract  from  the  diary  of  Lucian  Minor,  on  a  trip  from  Virginia 
to  the  Southwest,  in  1823,  Atlantic  Monthly,  vol.  xxvi,  167. 

24th  November.  1823  .  .  .  Most  of  my  ride,  yes- 
terday and  to-day,  was  through  the  great  valley.  The 
Dutch  inhabiting  it  are  said  to  have  crept  down  gradu- 
ally from  their  settlement,  in  Pennsylvania;  and  the 
land,  though  generally  rich,  being  too  far  from  market 
to  ofifer  seducing  attraction  to  any  but  the  children  of 
sober  industry,  these  plain  and  steady  people  had  few 
competitors  for  the  spots  that  best  suited  their  interests 
and  their  peculiar  taste.  It  is  curious  to  see  how  uni- 
formly they  choose  for  the  site  of  their  dwellings  the 
very  lowest  part  of  the  valley:  usually  but  a  few  feet 
above  the  creeping  brook  or  the  rushing  torrent,  to 
which  their  meadows  serve  as  margin.  Their  habita- 
tions are  surpassingly  neat  in  outward  appearance ;  the 


TYPES  OF  PLANTATION  255 

greater  part,  even  to  the  two-storied  buildings,  are  of 
logs,  chinked  with  stones,  then  crammed  smoothly,  and 
the  mortar  whitewashed.  Such  is  the  house  where  I 
now  am.  It  is  larger  and  more  roomy  than  our  house. 
My  landlord  is  a  Mr.  Havens  (recommended  to  me 
by  Dr.  Johnson),  a  most  ingenious  and  even  scientific 
mechanic.  He  has  shown  me  an  improved  loom,  for 
which  he  has  a  patent;  and  a  corn-shelling  machine, 
which  has  circulated  extensively  in  Virginia,  able  to 
shell  one  hundred  ears  in  a  minute.  I  am  much  taken 
with  a  very  simple  machine  for  paring  apples,  by  which 
fifty  may  be  pared  in  a  minute.  I  could  make  one,  me- 
thinks,  with  a  little  more  skill  in  handling  the  needful 
tools.     .     . 

(b)     Winchester  (Va.)  Gazette,  Jan.  9,  1799.    Advertisement  showing 
the  equipment  of  a  self-sufficing  farmer. 

The  sub/criber  de/igning  to  remove  to  the  We/tern 
Country,  gives  this  public  notice,  to  all  per/ons  who 
have  claims  again/t  him,  or  again/t  the  e/tate  of  Ed- 
ward Hoge  de/cea/ed,  or  again/t  the  Admini/tratrix 
thereof,  to  bring  forward  their  accounts  properly  at- 
te/ted,  before  the  fir/t  of  March  next  en/uing,  in  order 
that  they  may  be  /ettled.  He  likewi/e  reque/ts  all  tho/e 
who  /tand  indebted  to  him,  to  make  payment  by  that 
time.  He  will  al/o  di/po/e  of,  at  private  /ale,  his  Stock, 
con/i/ting  of  Cattle,  Sheep,  Hogs,  Farming  Uten/ils, 
Hou/ehold  Furniture,  two  Stills  with  a  complete  /et  of 
Tubs,  two  Looms,  four  Spinning  Wheels,  with  /undry 
articles  too  tedious  to  mention.  He  will  al/o  lea/e  the 
Plantation  he  now  lives  on,  which  may  be  divided  into 
two  parts.  A  /ober  and  /teady  family,  that  would  board 
one  or  two  per/ons  in  part  payment  of  the  rent,  would 
be  preferred.  For  further  particulars,  apply  to  the 
sub/criber.  WILLIAM  MARQUES. 


2S6  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

8    POOR  HUSBANDRY  IN  EAST  TENNESSEE 

Extract  from  the  diary  of  Lucian  Minor,  Atlantic  Monthly,  vol.  xxvi, 
172.    Item  dated  Knoxville,  Dec.  i,  1823. 

There  is  a  good  deal  of  very  fertile  land  between  the 
Boat- Yard  and  Knoxville,  but  the  want  of  a  ready  vent 
for  its  produce  (it  can  be  no  other  radical  cause)  has 
generated  a  system  of  miserable  husbandry,  more  waste- 
ful and  injudicious  even  than  that  prevalent  in  Old  Vir- 
ginia and  'that's  a  bold  word.'  For  example,  the  tops 
are  not  cut  from  the  corn.  The  blade  fodder  only  is 
pulled,  and  that  not  always.  A  great  deal  of  corn  is  yet 
ungathered  in  the  fields,  and  as  to  cutting  down  the 
stalks  it  is  never  thought  of.  Nor  is  manuring  for  any 
field-crop  ever,  or  more  than  by  one  farmer  in  a  hun- 
dred, practised.  .  .  The  road  abounds  with  houses 
of  entertainment,  that  look  neat  and  even  genteel :  most 
of  them  are  said  to  be  as  comfortable  as  need  be.  The 
cheapness  of  their  bills  is  wonderful.  For  supper,  lodg- 
ing, breakfast  and  just  as  much  corn  or  oats  and  hay 
and  fodder  as  our  horses  can  destroy  (usually  half  a 
bushel  of  grain  and  a  rackful  of  long  food),  we  are 
charged  5/3  apiece!  To  me,  indeed,  who  am  traveling 
on  Tennessee  money  bought  at  twenty  per  cent  discount, 
it  is  about  sixty-nine  cents !  And  this  is  my  whole  daily 
expense,  except  gratuities  to  hostlers. 

9    A  VAST  SUGAR  ESTATE 

Russell,  W.  H.  My  Diary  North  and  South  (Boston,  1863),  103.  De- 
scribing the  estate  of  Mr.  Burnside,  opposite  Donaldsonville,  La., 
about  eighty  miles  above  New  Orleans.  This  was  one  of  the  largest 
units  of  plantation  industry  on  record. 

.  .  .  A  quarter  of  an  hour  brought  us  to  the  levee 
on  the  other  side.  I  ascended  the  bank,  and  across  the 
road,  directly  in  front  appeared  a  carriage  gateway  and 


TYPES  OF  PLANTATION  257 

wickets  of  wood,  painted  white,  in  a  line  of  park  palings 
of  the  same  material,  which  extended  up  and  down  the 
road  far  as  the  eye  could  see,  and  guarded  wide-spread 
fields  of  maize  and  sugar-cane.  An  avenue  lined  with 
trees,  with  branches  close  set,  drooping  and  over  arch- 
ing a  walk  paved  with  red  brick,  led  to  the  house,  the 
porch  of  which  was  visible  at  the  extremity  of  the  lawn, 
with  clustering  flowers,  rose,  jasmine,  and  creepers, 
clinging  to  the  pillars  supporting  the  veranda.  The 
view  from  the  belvedere  on  the  roof  was  one  of  the  most 
striking  of  its  kind  in  the  world. 

If  an  English  agriculturist  could  see  six  thousand 
acres  of  the  finest  land  in  one  field,  unbroken  by  hedges 
or  boundary,  and  covered  with  the  most  magnificent 
crops  of  tasselling  Indian  corn  and  sprouting  sugar- 
cane, as  level  as  a  billiard  table,  he  would  surely  doubt 
his  senses.  But  here  is  literally  such  a  sight -six  thou- 
sand acres,  better  tilled  than  the  finest  patch  in  all  the 
Lothians,  green  as  Meath  pastures,  which  can  be  turned 
up  for  a  hundred  years  to  come  without  requiring  ma- 
nure, of  depth  practically  unlimited,  and  yielding  an 
average  profit  of  what  is  sold  off  it  of  at  least  £20  an 
acre,  at  the  old  prices  and  usual  yield  of  sugar.  Rising 
up  in  the  midst  of  the  verdure  are  the  white  lines  of  the 
negro  cottages  and  the  plantation  offices  and  sugar 
houses,  which  look  like  large  public  edifices  in  the  dis- 
tance. My  host  was  not  ostentatiously  proud  in  telling 
me  that,  in  the  year  1857,  he  had  purchased  this  estate 
for  £300,000  and  an  adjacent  property,  of  8000  acres 
for  £150,000,  and  that  he  had  left  Belfast  in  early  youth, 
poor  and  unfriended,  to  seek  his  fortune,  and  indeed 
scarcely  knowing  what  fortune  meant  in  the  New 
World.  In  fact,  he  had  invested  in  these  purchases  the 
greater  part,  but  not  all,  of  the  profits  arising  from  the 


258  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

business  in  New  Orleans,  which  he  inherited  from  his 
master;  of  which  there  still  remained  a  solid  nucleus  in 
the  shape  of  a  great  woollen  magazine  and  country 
house.  He  is  not  yet  fifty  years  of  age,  and  his  confi- 
dence in  the  great  future  of  sugar  induced  him  to  em- 
bark this  enormous  fortune  in  an  estate  which  the  block- 
ade has  stricken  with  paralysis. 

I  cannot  doubt,  however,  that  he  regrets  he  did  not 
invest  his  money  in  a  certain  great  estate  in  the  North 
of  Ireland,  which  he  had  nearly  decided  on  buying; 
and  had  he  done  so,  he  would  now  be  in  the  position  to 
which  his  unaffected  good  sense,  modesty,  kindliness 
and  benevolence,  always  adding  the  rental,  entitle  him. 
Six  thousand  acres  on  this  one  estate  all  covered  with 
sugar-cane,  and  16,000  [probably  an  error.  1600  would 
be  near  the  normal]  acres  more  of  Indian  corn,  to  feed 
the  slaves ;-  these  were  great  possessions,  but  not  less 
than  18,000  acres  still  remained,  covered  with  brake  and 
forest  and  swamp,  to  be  reclaimed  and  turned  into  gold. 


IV.    STAPLES 

I     RICE 

Allston,  R.  F.  W.*  Essay  on  Sea  Coast  Crops  (Charleston,  1854).  Printed 
also  in  DeBow's  Reinenv,  vol.  xvi,   589-615    (June,   1854). 

Rice,  for  which  we  are  indebted  to  the  Island  of  Mad- 
agascar, was  introduced  into  Carolina  and  America  at 
once,  towards  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century.  A 
few  grains  were  sown  in  the  garden  of  Landgrave 
Smith,  the  site  of  which  is  now  entirely  covered  by 
houses  and  modern  improvements  in  the  City  of  Charles- 
ton. These  few  grains  produced  many  ears,  which  be- 
ing disseminated  for  seed,  succeeded  in  adaptation  to 
the  climate;  and  the  low  country  of  South  Carolina 
since,  has  become  the  centre  of  the  rice-growing  re- 
gion.    .     . 

We  begin  preparation  for  a  new  crop  by  (cleaning 
out  the  ditches  every  third  year;  the  drains  are  cleaned 
out  every  year,  (after  plowing)  plowing  the  land  as 
soon  after  harvest  as  the  fields  can  be  gleaned,  and  the 
scattered  rice  left  on  the  surface  can  be  sprouted.  The 
stubble  is  turned  under  by  running  a  deep  furrough, 
say  eight  inches.^*'  This  may  be  continued  until  the 
end  of  January.  The  sod  should  have  the  benefit  of 
the  entire  winter  frosts  if  possible,  the  influence  of 
which  disintegrates  and  prepares  them  duly  for  the 
leveling. 

^  The  author  was  a  planter  on  the  South  Carolina  Coast- Ed. 

^^  Both  plowing  and  harrowing  are  performed  ordinarily,  by  oxen,-  two 
yoke  being  required  if  we  go  deeper  than  six  to  eight  inches;  and  two  yoke 
get  on  badly  in  the  swamp.  The  Tuscany  breed  furnishes  the  best  oxen  for 
our  climate.  -  Grig. 


26o  AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

In  March,  or  when  about  preparing  to  plant,  the  har- 
rows will  be  made  to  pass  over  the  plowed  ground.  The 
hoe  follows  to  cut  up  and  break  the  remaining  clods  and 
level  the  surface.  The  more  the  soil  is  comminuted, 
and  the  surface  brought  to  a  common  level  the  better. 
The  trenchers  then  come  in  with  hoes  made  for  the  pur- 
pose, and  trace  out  with  great  accuracy  the  drills  in 
which  to  sow  the  seed,  fourteen,  thirteen  or  twelve 
inches  apart  from  center  to  center.  They  will  average 
(some  drawing  stake-rows,  and  others  filling  up  the 
pabbels)  three  quarters  of  an  acre  to  the  hand,  in  a  day's 
work. 

The  field  now  in  high  tilth,  and  resembling  somewhat 
a  garden  spot,  is  ready  for  the  seed.  The  sowers,  with 
great  care,  yet  with  wonderful  facility  and  precision, 
string  the  seed  in  the  drills,  putting  two  and  a  half,  or 
two  and  a  quarter  bushels  to  the  acre.  The  labor  of 
sowing  depends  so  much  upon  the  state  of  the  weather, 
whether  windy,  or  moist  or  otherwise,  it  is  better  not  to 
require  any  given  task.  Generally  each  woman  will 
accomplish  two  or  three  tasks  ^  ^  and  do  it  well  -  it  should 
never  be  done  otherwise ;  for  the  seed  cannot  be  recov- 
ered if  too  thick;  nor  if  too  thin,  can  the  sowing  be  re- 
peated without  needless  waste  and  increased  irregu- 
larity. 

The  best  hands  are  chosen  to  sow  Rice.  In  fine  April 
weather  it  is  pleasing  to  behold  the  steady,  graceful 
progress  of  a  good  sower.  The  sowing  done,  water  is 
forthwith  admitted,  (two  tides  are  better  than  one,)  and 
the  field  remains  covered  until  the  sprout  becomes  green 
and  begins  to  fork.    The  water  must  then  be  withdrawn, 

^^  The  task  in  the  Rice  Region  of  South  Carolina  is  (150.2  feet),  a  half  acre. 
This  is  the  unit  of  land  measurement  among  the  negroes,  and  -with  practical 
planters.  The  acre,  which  is  a  rectangle  (300x150  feet)  made  by  two  square 
half  acres,  contains  45,000  square  feet.  -  Grig. 


STAPLES  a6i 

else  the  plants  will  be  forced  to  the  surface  by  any  slight 
agitation,  and  float  away  from  their  position. 

In  tv^^enty  days  after,  or  thereabouts,  the  Rice  is  hoed 
and  flowed  deep,  the  water  over-topping  the  plant  for 
two  or  three  days,  in  order  to  destroy  the  young  grass 
just  springing  up  among  the  plants,  and  also  the  insects 
that  may  have  lodged  upon  the  blades,  or  which  may 
have  been  generated  among  the  stumps  or  roots  or  stub- 
ble. At  the  end  of  two  or  three  days,  the  water  is 
slacked  down  to  about  half  the  height  of  the  plant,  now 
somewhat  stretched.  At  this  depth  it  is  held  until  the 
plants  grow  strong  enough  to  stand  erect,  and  will  admit 
the  laborers  to  walk  between  the  trenches  and  pull  out 
the  long  grass  which  shows  itself,  and  which  will  now 
yield  to  very  slight  effort.  If  any  rushes  appear  they 
will  now  be  plucked  up  by  the  roots,  and  borne  out  to  the 
banks. 

Two  days  after  this  weeding  the  long  water  will  grad- 
ually be  drawn  off.  A  succeeding  tide  will  be  taken  in, 
and  let  off  immediately,  in  order  to  wash  out  the 
ditches.  Two  men,  furnished  each  with  a  long  handled 
rake  of  curved  iron  teeth,  are  put  to  rake  from  the 
ditches  all  the  water  growth  which  impedes  the  drain- 
ing, placing  it  on  the  side  of  the  bank.  In  eight  days 
(the  land  by  that  time  should  be  dry)  the  smaller  hoes, 
(The  hoe  now  used  has  been  reduced,  latterly,  to  four 
inches  in  breadth)  are  used,  and  the  soil  is  stirred  as 
deep  as  it  can  be  with  them.  The  plant  just  recovering 
from  the  effects  of  long  water,  and  taking  a  dry  growth, 
is  putting  forth  new  green  blades  and  fresh  roots,  which, 
not  long  enough  yet  to  be  interfered  with  by  the  deep 
hoeing,  very  soon  yield  to  the  grateful  influence  of  the 
air  admitted,  shoot  vigorously  into  the  loosened  earth, 
and  nourish  a  "good  stalk." 


262  AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

In  the  course  of  fifteen  or  eighteen  days,  the  field  is 
hoed  again  and  weeded.  This  last  hoeing  is  also  done 
with  the  small  hoes,  but  very  lightly  to  avoid  disturbing 
the  roots,  which  are  now  extended  nearly  midway  be- 
tween the  trenches. 

As  the  plant  is  now  beginning  to  joint,  the  laborers 
will  step  about  with  care,  for  if  one  be  broken  at  the 
joint,  it  cannot  be  restored.  A  day  or  two  after  this 
third  hoeing,  the  water  is  put  on  again,  as  deep  as  the 
last  long-flow,  and  is  gradually  increased  in  depth  after 
the  rice  heads  have  fairly  shot  out. 

This  is  called  the  lay-by  flow.  Up  to  the  time  of  this 
flow,  is  about  ninety  days  for  Rice  sown  the  first  week 
in  April.  After  this  to  the  period  of  maturity  is  from 
sixty  to  ninety  days,  during  which  the  water  is  often 
changed,  and  kept  fresh,  but  is  never  entirely  with- 
drawn, until  the  grain  be  ripe  for  the  harvest.  Mean- 
time, should  any  grass  have  escaped  the  previous  hoe- 
ings  and  weedings,  it  will  show  its  crest  before  the  Rice 
matures  and  be  plucked  up  by  the  roots.  All  white  rice 
will  be  stripped  off  by  hand. 

Harvest.  And  now  the  grain  is  ripe  for  the  sickle. 
The  time  for  harvest  is  come.  Gladsome,  bounteous 
harvest!  A  season,  it  is  true,  of  laborious  exertion,  but 
a  season  also  of  cheerful  emulation,  of  rustic  joyous  fes- 
tivity. The  Rice  is  cut  a  day  before  you  will  say  it  is 
fully  ripe.  The  water  is  drawn  off  over  night.  Soon 
after  the  rising  of  a  bright  autumn  sun,  the  reapers  are 
seen  amid  the  thick  hanging  grain,  shoulder  high,  mow- 
ing it  down  with  the  old  fashioned  sickle,  dealing  brisk 
and  dexterous,  but  noiseless  strokes.  Before  the  dew  is 
all  gone,  the  Rice  is  laid  prostrate,  even  and  orderly 
across  the  porous  stubble. 

The  next  day,  when  quite  dry  of  dew,  it  is  tied  up  in 


STAPLES  263 

sheaves,  and  borne  away  to  the  threshing  yard,  where  it 
is  well  stacked  before  the  night  dew  falls  heavy.  -  This 
last  heavy,  but  gleeful  labor  completes  the  field  culture 
of  the  Rice  plant. 

When  the  stack  has  undergone  its  curing  heat,  and 
become  cool  again,  the  Rice  is  threshed  out  by  one  of 
Emmons'  Patent  Machines  and  sent  to  the  pounding 
mill  to  be  cleaned.  The  mill  performs  ingeniously 
enough  the  finishing  process,  thus:  By  steam  power 
the  rough  rice  is  taken  out  of  the  vessel  which  freights 
it,  up  to  the  attic  of  the  building- thence  through  the 
sand  screen  to  a  pair  of  (five  feet  wide)  heavy  stones, 
which  grind  of]f  the  husk  -  thence  into  large  wooden 
mortars,  in  which  it  is  pounded  by  large  iron-shod 
pestles,  weighing  120  to  350  pounds,  for  the  space  of 
some  two  hours,  more  or  less. 

The  Rice  now  pounded,  is  once  more  elevated  into 
the  attic,  whence  it  descends  through  a  rolling  screen,  to 
separate  whole  grains  from  the  broken,  and  flour  from 
both;  and  also  through  wind  fans,  to  a  vertical  brush- 
ing screen,  moving  rapidly,  which  polishes  the  flinty 
grain,  and  delivers  it  fully  prepared,  into  the  barrel  or 
tierce,  which  is  to  convey  it  to  the  market. 

The  barrel  is  made  by  coopers  attached  to  the  mill, 
each  one  dresses  his  stufif  and  makes  three  barrels  a  day. 
He  is  paid  twenty  five  cents  for  each  barrel  made  over 
his  number.  When  the  stuff  is  dressed  previously,  five 
barrels,  and  even  more  may  be  made.     .     . 

The  profits  of  a  Rice  plantation  of  good  size  and 
locality  are  about  eight  per  cent,  per  annum,  independ- 
ent of  the  privileges  and  perquisites  of  the  plantation 
residence.     .     . 

Now,  as  to  the  labor,  by  means  of  which  these  crops 
are  raised  -  these  important  results,  both  commercial 


264  AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

and  national,  are  obtained,  the  produce  of  which  pays 
for  three-fourths  of  all  imports  into  the  country 
($260.000.000) .  Our  laborers  are  descendants  of  the  Af- 
rican bondsmen  given  to  our  ancestors  by  the  mother 
country  at  the  same  time  that  Indigo  and  Rice  and  Cot- 
ton were  sent  to  them  to  cultivate.  They  are  well  fed  and 
clothed,  well  sheltered  and  cared  for  in  sickness  and  dur- 
ing the  infirmities  and  helplessness  of  old  age.  They  are 
for  the  most  part  healthy,  and  cheerful,  and  when  well 
trained  are  very  efficient  laborers. 

The  negroes  have  provided  for  them  all  the  neces- 
saries of  life  in  sufficient  abundance.  And  they  enjoy 
the  privilege  of  procuring  many  comforts  and  indul- 
gencies. 

In  every  Christian  neighborhood,  the  means  are  af- 
forded of  Missionary  instruction  in  their  duty  to  God 
and  to  man.  On  most  well  regulated  plantations  the 
young  negroes  are  taught  specially;  and  to  all,  the  way 
of  salvation  is  preached.  In  short,  the  educated  master, 
is  the  negro's  best  friend  upon  earth.  But  it  is  not 
enough  in  all  cases,  that  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel  is 
provided  for  our  Negroes;  they  must  be  induced  to  seek 
an  interest  in  it -they  must  be  won  to  obedience  to  the 
divine  law  -  to  love  the  truth.  Obviously,  the  strongest 
inducement  is  example  on  our  own  part;  next,  a  just, 
consistent  systematic  administration  of  domestic  govern- 
ment. Nothing  sooner  attracts  the  confidence  of  the 
negro,  and  commands  his  respect,  than  the  illustration, 
in  a  system  of  management  of  justice,  tempered  by  kind- 
ness. But  enough -let  us  do  our  present  duty,  kind 
Providence  will  smile  upon  our  efforts. 

In  proportion  as  we  shall  have  performed  well  our 
mission,  so  may  we  with  trust  and  hope,  bequeath  our  in- 
heritence  to  posterity;  and  so  may  each  of  us,  when  pros- 


STAPLES  265 

trate  under  the  hand  of  time,  and  hourly  expecting  the 
summons  of  the  last  messenger  on  earth,  with  humble 
confidence  look  up  toward  the  bar  of  our  common 
Judge. 

2    INDIGO:  ACCOUNT  OF  ITS  INTRODUCTION  AS  A 
STAPLE  IN  SOUTH  CAROLINA 

Narration  by  Mrs.  Eliza  Lucas  Pinckney,  in  a  letter  to  her  son,  dated 
1785.     MS.  in  the  Charleston  Library. 

You  wish  me  to  inform  you  what  I  recollect  of  the 
introducing  and  culture  of  indigo  in  this  country.  You 
have  heard  me  say  I  was  very  early  fond  of  the  vege- 
table world,  my  father  was  pleased  with  it  and  encour- 
aged it,  he  told  me  the  turn  I  had  for  those  amusements 
might  produce  something  of  real  public  utility.  If  I 
could  bring  to  perfection  the  plants  of  other  countries 
which  he  would  procure  me :  Accordingly  when  he  went 
to  the  West  Indies  he  sent  me  a  variety  of  seeds,  among 
them  the  Indigo.  I  was  ignorant  both  of  the  proper 
season  for  sowing  it,  and  the  soil  best  adapted  to  it.  To 
the  best  of  my  recollection  I  first  try'd  it  in  March  1741 
or  1742.  It  was  destroyed  (I  think  by  a  frost).  The 
next  time  in  April  and  it  was  cut  down  by  a  worm :  I 
persevered  to  a  third  planting  and  succeeded,  and  when 
I  informed  my  father  that  it  bore  seed  and  the  seed 
ripened,  he  sent  a  man  from  the  Island  of  Monserat  by 
the  name  of  Cromwell  who  had  been  accustomed  to 
making  Indigo  there,  and  gave  him  high  wages.  He 
made  some  brick  vats  on  my  father's  plantation,  on 
Wappo  Creek  and  there  made  the  first  Indigo ;  it  was 
very  indiflferent  and  he  made  a  great  mistery  of  it,  said 
he  regretted  coming  as  he  should  ruin  his  own  country 
by  it,  for  my  father  had  engaged  him  to  let  me  see  the 
whole  process,  I  observed  him  as  carefully  as  I  could, 


2  66  AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

and  informed  Mr.  Deveaux  an  old  gentleman  a  neigh- 
bor of  ours  of  the  little  knowledge  I  had  gained  and 
gave  him  notice  when  the  Indigo  was  to  be  beat;  he  saw 
and  afterward  improved  upon  it,  notwithstanding  the 
churlishness  of  Cromwell,  who  wished  to  deceive  him, 
and  throw  in  so  large  a  quantity  of  lime  water  as  to  spoil 
the  color.  In  the  War  1744  I  marked,  and  my  father 
made  Mr.  Pinckney  a  present  of  all  the  Indigo  then 
upon  the  ground  as  the  fruit  of  my  industry. 

The  whole  was  saved  for  seed,  and  your  father  gave 
part  of  it  away  in  small  quantities  to  a  great  number  of 
people  that  year,  the  rest  he  planted  the  next  year  at 
Ashipo  for  seed,  which  he  sold  as  did  some  of  the  gen- 
tlemen to  whom  he  had  given  it  the  year  before ;  by  this 
means  there  soon  became  plenty  in  the  country.  Your 
father  gained  all  the  information  he  could  from  the 
French  prisoners  brought  in  here,  and  used  every  other 
means  of  information  of  the  people  at  large. 

The  next  year  Mr.  Cattle  sent  me  a  present  of  a 
couple  of  large  plants  of  the  wild  indigo  which  he  had 
just  discovered.  Experiments  were  afterward  made 
upon  this  sort  which  proved  to  be  good  indigo,  but  it 
did  not  produce  so  large  a  quantity  as  the  cultivated 
sort. 

3    THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  SEA-ISLAND  COTTON 

The  Athenian    (Athens,    Ga.),    June    17,    1828.     Letter   from   Thomas 
Spalding,  reprinted  from  the  Savannah  Georgian. 

To  the  Editors  of  the  Georgian, 

Gentlemen :  There  was  some  months  past  a  notifica- 
tion in  your  paper  (copied  from  the  Charleston  Cou- 
rier) requesting  a  communication  upon  the  subject  of 
the  introduction  of  cotton  in  Georgia  and  Carolina. 

It  has  been  intimated  to  me  that  possibly  this  notifi- 


STAPLES  267 

cation  has  originated  in  some  one  desirous  of  informa- 
tion, in  order  that  it  might  enter  into  some  more  general 
work;  and  as  I  am  at  present  perhaps  the  only  person 
alive  that  recollects  distinctly  the  introduction  of  the  sea 
island  cotton,  I  have  addressed  this  letter  to  you. 

It  is  known  to  many  that  cotton  was  cultivated  for 
domestic  purposes  from  Virginia  to  Georgia,  long  an- 
terior to  the  Revolutionary  War.  Jefferson  speaks  of  it 
in  his  Notes  on  Virginia.  Bartram  speaks  of  it  in  his 
travels  as  growing  in  Georgia.  And  I  have  understood 
that  twenty-two  acres  were  cultivated  by  Col.  Delegall 
upon  a  small  island  near  Savannah  before  the  Revolu- 
tion; but  this  was  the  green  seed  or  short  staple  cotton. 
Two  species  of  the  same  family  then  existed  in  this  coun- 
try. The  real  green  seed,  and  a  low  cotton  resembling 
it  in  blossom,  both  being  of  a  pale  yellow  approaching 
to  white ;  one  with  the  seed  covered  with  fuzz,  the  other 
with  fuzz  only  upon  the  end  of  the  seed. 

To  explore  the  first  introduction  of  the  short  staple 
in  this  country  would  now  in  all  human  probability  be 
impossible :  but  we  may  very  well  suppose  it  was  by  one 
of  the  southern  Proprietary  Governments;  and  possibly 
from  Turkey,  the  trade  of  which  country  with  England 
was  then  of  much  higher  consideration  than  it  has  sub- 
sequently become. 

Nor  would  it  have  escaped  these  proprietors,  many  of 
whom  were  enlightened  men,  that  the  climate  of  Asia 
Minor,  where  cotton  grew  abundantly,  was  analogous  to 
the  climate  of  the  provinces  south  of  Virginia. 

Just  about  the  commencement  of  the  Revolutionary 
War,  Sir  Richard  Awkright  had  invented  the  Spinning 
Jenny,  and  cotton  ginning  became  a  matter  of  deep  in- 
terest in  England.  Cotton  rose  much  in  price,  its  vari- 
ous   qualities    attracted    notice,    and    the    world    was 


268  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

searched  for  the  finer  kinds.  The  Island  of  Bourbon 
was  alone  found  to  produce  them,  and  yet  the  Bourbon 
cotton  greatly  resembled  in  its  growth  our  green  seed 
cotton ;  although  it  cannot  be  its  parent  plant,  for  all  at- 
tempts to  naturalize  it  in  Georgia  (which  were  many 
and  repeated)  have  failed.  It  gave  blossom,  but  was 
cut  off  by  the  frost  in  the  fruit,  nor  would  it  ratoon  or 
grow  from  the  root  in  next  year :  in  which  too  it  resem- 
bles the  green  seed  cotton  of  our  country.  This  is  all 
that  I  am  able  to  say  and  perhaps  all  that  is  necessary  to 
be  said  of  the  short  staple  cotton. 

The  Sea  Island  Cotton  was  introduced  directly  from 
the  Bahama  Islands  into  Georgia. 

The  Revolutionary  War  that  closed  in  1783  had  been 
a  war  not  less  of  feeling  and  of  opinion  than  of  interest 
and  had  torn  asunder  many  of  the  relations  of  life, 
whether  of  blood  or  of  friendship.  England  offered 
to  the  unhappy  settlers  of  this  country  who  had  followed 
her  standard  a  home  but  in  two  of  her  provinces.  To 
the  provincials  of  the  north  she  offered  Nova  Scotia. 
To  the  provincials  of  the  south  she  offered  the  Bahama 
Islands.  Many  of  the  former  inhabitants  of  the  Caro- 
linas  and  of  Georgia  passed  over  from  Florida  to  the 
Bahamas  with  their  slaves,  but  what  could  they  cul- 
tivate? 

The  rocky  and  arid  lands  of  those  Islands  could  not 
grow  sugar-cane.  Coffee  would  grow,  but  produced  no 
fruit.  There  was  one  plant  that  would  grow  and  that 
bore  abundantly,  it  was  Cotton.  The  seed,  as  I  have 
been  informed  by  respectable  gentlemen  from  the  Ba- 
hamas, was  in  the  first  instance  produced  from  a  small 
island  in  the  West  Indies,  celebrated  for  its  Cotton, 
called  Anguilla.  It  was  therefore  long  after  its  intro- 
duction into  this  country  called  Anguilla  seed. 


STAPLES  269 

Cotton,  as  I  have  already  stated,  had  taken  a  new 
value,  by  the  introduction  of  the  spinning  jenny  into 
England.  The  quality  of  the  Bahama  cotton  was  then 
considered  among  the  best  grown.  New  life  and  hope 
were  imparted  to  a  colony  and  a  people  with  whom  even 
hope  itself  had  been  almost  extinct.  This  first  success, 
as  is  natural  to  the  human  mind  under  whatsoever  in- 
fluence it  may  act,  recalled  the  memory  of  the  friends 
they  had  left  behind  them.  The  winter  of  '86  brought 
several  parcels  of  cotton  seed  from  the  Bahamas  to 
Georgia.  Among  them  (in  distinct  remembrance  upon 
my  mind)  was  a  parcel  to  the  late  Governor  Tattnall  of 
Georgia,  from  a  near  relation  of  his,  then  surveyor 
general  of  the  Bahamas;  and  another  parcel  at  the  same 
time  was  transmitted  by  Col.  Roger  Kelsal,  of  Exuma 
(who  was  among  the  first  if  not  the  very  first  successful 
grower  of  cotton)  to  my  father  Mr.  James  Spalding, 
then  residing  on  St.  Simon's  Island,  Georgia,  who  had 
been  connected  in  business  with  Col.  Kelsal  before  the 
revolution.  I  have  heard  that  Governor  Tattnall,  then 
a  young  man,  gave  the  seed  to  Mr.  Nichol  Turnbull, 
lately  deceased,  who  cultivated  it  from  that  period  suc- 
cessfully. 

I  know  my  father  planted  his  cotton  in  the  spring  of 
1787  upon  the  banks  of  a  small  rice  field  on  St.  Simon's 
Island.  The  land  was  rich  and  warm ;  the  cotton  grew 
large  and  blossomed,  but  did  not  open  its  fruit.  It  how- 
ever ratooned  or  grew  from  its  roots  the  following  year. 
The  difficulty  was  now  over.  The  cotton  adapted  itself 
to  the  climate  and  every  successive  year  from  178 1  saw 
the  long  staple  cotton  extending  itself  along  the  shores 
of  Georgia,  where  an  enlightened  population  engaged 
in  the  cultivation  of  indigo,  readily  adopted  it. 

All  the  varieties  of  the  long  staple,  or  at  least  the 
germ  of  those  varieties,  came  from  that  seed. 


270  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

Differences  of  soil  developed  them,  and  differences  of 
local  situations  are  developing  them  every  day. 

The  same  cotton  seed  planted  on  one  field  will  give 
quite  a  black  and  naked  seed;  while  the  same  seed 
planted  upon  another  field,  different  in  soil  and  situa- 
tion, will  be  prone  to  run  into  large  cotton,  with  long 
bolls  or  pods  and  with  seed  tufted  at  the  ends  with  fuzz. 

I  should  have  great  doubts  if  there  is  any  real  differ- 
ence in  these  apparent  varieties  of  the  long  staple  cot- 
ton. But  if  there  is,  all  who  observe  must  know  that 
plants  when  they  have  once  intermingled  their  varie- 
ties, will  require  attention  for  a  long  series  of  years  to 
disentangle  them. 

Subsequently  to  1787,  as  the  cultivation  of  the  cotton 
extended  and  became  profitable,  every  variety  of  the 
cotton  that  could  be  gleaned  from  the  four  quarters  of 
the  world  have  been  tried,  but  none  of  them  but  one  has 
resulted  in  anything  useful. 

Mr.  James  Hamilton,  who  formerly  resided  in 
Charleston  and  now  resides  in  Philadelphia,  was  inde- 
fatigable in  procuring  seed  which  he  transmitted  to  his 
friend  Mr.  Couper,  of  St.  Simons. 

Mr.  Couper  planted  some  acres  of  Bourbon  cotton;  it 
grew  and  blossomed,  but  did  not  ripen  its  fruit,  and  per- 
ished in  the  winter. 

Mr.  Hamilton  sent  a  cotton  plant  from  Siam,  it  grew 
large,  was  of  a  rich  purple  color,  both  in  foliage  and  in 
blossom,  but  perished  also  without  ripening  its  fruit. 

The  Nankin  cotton  was  introduced  at  an  early  pe- 
riod, the  same  that  Mr.  Secretary  Crawford  introduced 
the  seed  of  some  years  back.  It  was  abundant  in  prod- 
uce, the  seed  fuzzy  and  the  wool  of  a  dirty  yellow  color, 
which  would  not  bring  the  price  even  of  the  other  short 
staple  cotton.    But  I  knew  it  to  produce  three  hundred 


STAPLES  271 

weight  to  the  acre,  on  Jekyl  Island,  Georgia.  The  kid- 
ney seed  cotton,  that  produces  the  seed  all  clustered  to- 
gether with  a  long  strong  staple  extending  from  one  side 
of  the  seeds  (and  which  I  believe  to  be  the  Brazilian  or 
Pernambuco  cotton)  was  tried  and  was  the  only  new 
species  on  which  there  could  have  been  any  hesitancy; 
but  this  too  was  given  up  because  not  as  valuable  and 
not  as  productive. 

I  have  given  the  names  of  gentlemen  because  I  had 
no  other  means  of  establishing  facts.    I  am  respectfully 
yours,  etc., 
Sapelo  Island,  April,  1828.  THOMAS  Spalding. 

4  sea-island  cotton  methods 

(a)     Allston,  R.  F.  W.    Essay  on  Sea  Coast  Crops  (Charleston,  1854). 
Printed  also  in  DeBow's  Revieit},  vol.  xvi,  589-615   (June,  1854). 

.  .  .  The  soil  best  adapted  to  the  production  of 
fine  Cotton  [i.e.  sea-island  cotton]  is  a  light  yellow 
sandy  soil.  It  bears  well  the  admixture  of  salt  and 
marsh  mud  with  the  compost  applied  to  it,  and  yields, 
if  fairly  dealt  by,  a  fine,  long  and  even  staple. 

The  better  practice  is  to  prepare  the  land  by  listing  in 
the  remaining  growth  as  soon  as  the  last  year's  crop  has 
been  picked  -  even  before  the  cotton  has  been  cleaned 
for  market.  The  alleys  are  then  broken  up  with  the 
plow.  In  the  spring,  the  earth,  well  manured,  is  drawn 
up  with  the  hoe,  making  a  bed  upon  the  autumn  listing, 
and  the  seed  is  sown  in  dibbles,  a  peck  to  the  acre  or 
more,  according  to  the  strength  of  the  soil,  &c.^^  After 
the  seeds  germinate,  the  alleys  are  again  broken  up  with 
the  plow,  and  soon  the  process  of  thinning  begins.    With 

12  In  order  to  ensure  the  production  of  fine  Cotton,  the  seed  must  be  care- 
fully selected,  and  well  attended  to.  Owen's  Selection  has,  at  present,  a  high 
reputation.  Mr.  Geo.  C.  Owens  has  given  name  to  the  seed,  as  Mr.  Kinsey 
Burton  did  to  his  in  1826-30. -Grig. 


272  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

the  three  first  hoeings,  the  plants  are  gradually  thinned 
out  to  the  stand  of  a  single  stalk,  eighteen,  twenty  or 
twenty  four  inches,  or  more,  from  its  neighbour.  The 
ground  must  be  kept  clean  throughout.  The  quantity 
or  rate  of  planting,  when  the  hoe  is  altogether  used,  does 
not  exceed  three  acres  to  the  hand ;  and  the  task  is  one- 
fourth  of  an  acre.  (105  x  105  feet).  If  the  plow  and 
the  scraper  be  used  together  with  the  hoe,  much  more 
may  be  accomplished,  the  hoe  drawing  up  to  the  plants 
the  earth  loosened  by  the  plow,  the  task  may  be  three- 
fourths  of  an  acre.  Where  the  plow  is  used  freely, 
seven  acres  to  the  hand  may  be  tended,  as  in  Florida, 
and  perhaps  on  Santee.  But,  on  this  scale,  the  manur- 
ing must  be  neglected,  or  only  partially  done.  In  Geor- 
gia, my  informant  who  uses  the  plow  and  scraper, 
plants  five  acres  to  the  hand,  in  order  to  keep  his  land  in 
good  heart  by  manuring.  For  the  same  reason  a  very 
successful  planter  on  Edisto  tends  but  five  acres  to  the 
hand.  He  uses  the  plow  freely,  manures  well,  and 
makes  a  good  interest. 

The  effects  of  the  autumnal  gales,  so  unavoidable,  are 
sometimes  disastrous  to  the  ungathered  and  ripening 
crop. 

Among  the  diseases  to  which  Long  Cotton  is  subject 
blight,  rust  and  blue  may  arise  from  some  defect  in  the 
soil,  which  doubtless,  may  be  removed,  or  partially 
remedied,  by  proper  dressing,  at  the  proper  season,  to- 
gether with  thorough  draining.  For  caterpillar  and  the 
bug  there  is  no  certain  remedy  but  propitious  seasons  - 
unless,  indeed,  it  is  to  be  found  in  a  judicious  rotation  of 
crops,  exposed  to  winter  frost.  When  about  to  be  at- 
tacked, however,  defend  your  plants  by  all  the  means 
within  your  reach.  Destroy  the  enemy  in  embryo,  as 
the  energetic  planter,  last  alluded  to,  has  shown  can  be 
done. 


STAPLES  273 

Preparation  for  Market:  It  requires  from  fifty  to 
sixty  days  to  prepare  a  bale  of  fine  Cotton  for  market. 

ist.  The  seed-cotton  must  be  sorted  for  the  gin;  i.e., 
the  dead  leaves,  and  everything  extraneous  is  picked  out, 
say  sixty  pounds  to  the  hand. 

2nd.  It  is  then  passed  through  the  roller  gin,  which 
relieves  it  of  the  seed.  The  common  foot  gin  or  treadle, 
propelling  two  rollers,  is  the  machine  commonly  used 
for  separating  the  fibre  from  the  seed,  cleaning  on  an 
average  twenty-five  pounds  a  day.  The  McCarthy,  or 
Florida  Gin,  with  one  roller,  is  now  attracting  much  at- 
tention; and  the  planters  are  putting  them  up  as  fast  as 
they  can  procure  them.  A  gin  costing  one  hundred  dol- 
lars, propelled  by  a  good  horse  or  mule,  or  better  still 
by  steam,  will  clean  from  150  lbs.  to  200  lbs.  a  day. 

3rd.  The  cotton  is  "moted"  as  it  comes  from  the  gin, 
namely;  all  particles  of  broken  seed,  and  every  speck 
which  may  have  escaped  detection  in  the  "sorting"  are 
carefully  removed.  Thirty  pounds  to  the  hand  are 
moted  after  the  foot  gin,  sixty  pounds  after  the  use  of 
McCarthy's  patent,  or  in  such  proportion. 

4th.  It  is  then  packed  by  hand  in  the  old  fashioned 
round  bales,  containing  each  320  lbs.  to  400  lbs.  of  clean 
merchantable  cotton. 

The  finest  Cotton  is  exceedingly  delicate  in  vegetation, 
and  requires  careful  handling  throughout.  It  can  be 
produced  therefore  [only]  in  small  quantities;  and  then, 
unless  everything  be  propitious,  it  does  not  pay  too  well. 
The  cost  of  producing  a  bag  of  ordinary  Sea  Island  Cot- 
ton is  about  $75  (This  has  reference  to  Cottons  pro- 
duced by  the  hoe  culture  without  the  plow)  -  that  of 
the  finest  twice  as  much. 

Prices:  In  1851,  in  Charleston  Market,  fine  cottons 
were  sold  at  60^  per  lb.,  -  a  single  bag  commanded  70^. 


274  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

In  1852,  fine  cottons  sold  at  80^  per  lb.,  only  a  bale  or 
two  brought  more  (85^), 

Ordinary  Sea  Island  Cottons  commanded  in  Charles- 
ton, 

In  March  1851,  30  cents  per  lb. 

"  "       1852,  30  cents  per  lb. 

"         "       1853,  43  and  45  cents  per  lb. 

The  planters  are  few  who  make  the  finest  Cottons, 
some  eight  or  ten  perhaps  in  Carolina,  planting  a  small 
portion  of  their  lands  in  the  choicest  seed,  which  has  to 
be  selected  with  great  care  from  year  to  year. 

These  Cottons  are  taken  by  England  and  France, 
chiefly,  through  the  ports  of  Liverpool  and  Havre. 
England  receiving  the  larger  proportion,  re-exports  a 
part  of  her  supply  to  the  Continent  (Switzerland  and 
elsewhere),  where  it  is  manufactured  into  exquisite 
laces  and  muslins.  A  few  hundred  bags  of  Sea  Island 
Cotton  are  manufactured  in  the  United  States,  chiefly 
in  making  spool  cotton.  A  pound  of  Sea  Island  Cotton 
may  be  spun  so  fine  as  to  produce  a  thread  of  incredible 
length.  Yet  Prof.  Mitchell,  of  the  Cincinnati  Observa- 
tory, stated  that  no  thread,  of  any  kind,  which  he  could 
procure,  was  equal  in  fineness,  lightness  and  elasticity  to 
that  of  the  spider's  web. 

The  cottons  that  will  command  from  45  to  68  cents 
per  lb.  made  with  the  proper  use  of  the  plow,  and 
cleaned  by  the  improved  machinery,  yield  a  very  hand- 
some interest  upon  the  capital  invested,  say  not  less  than 
from  ten  to  twelve  per  cent.  Fourteen  per  cent  was 
realized  last  year  by  more  than  one  planter.     .     . 

(b)     Extract    from    Whitemarsh    B.    Seabrook's    Memoir    on    Cotton 
(Charleston,  1844),  23,  24. 

The  method  of  cultivation  was  very  various  and  with- 
out method,  until  about  the  year  1802,  when  it  assumed 


STAPLES  275 

a  regular  form  in  this  State  and  Georgia.  Then  the 
crop  was  worked  four  times  -  the  latest  hoeing  being 
from  the  middle  to  the  last  of  July.  The  hoeings  now 
are  more  frequent,  from  five  to  seven  being  usually 
given,  and  are  begun  earlier  and  finished  sooner.  The 
point  appears  to  be  conceded  that,  when  the  plant  puts 
out  fruit  freely,  which  may  be  expected  early  in  July, 
out-door  labor  should  cease,  especially  if  the  season  be 
wet. 

It  has  been  already  remarked,  that  the  plough  was 
practically  unknown  to  the  first  growers  of  long-staple 
cotton.  This  is  still  true,  although  a  half  century  has 
elapsed.  The  ridge-system;  the  levelness  of  the  ground, 
requiring  therefore  numerous  drains;  the  small  quan- 
tity of  land,  from  3^  to  4  acres,  cultivated  to  the  hand,^^ 
which,  from  its  lightness,  is  so  easily  and  so  much  better 
attended  with  the  hoe;  and  the  impossibility  of  gather- 
ing the  cotton  as  rapidly  as  the  field  may  demand,  if, 
with  ploughs,  the  tillage  embraced  a  larger  number  of 
acres,  -  all  seem  to  render  the  aid  of  this  great  agricul- 
tural implement  utterly  useless  in  the  culture  of  the 
crop.  In  the  breaking  up  of  the  soil,  however,  and  as 
an  assistant  in  forming  the  ridge,  the  plough  is  univer- 
sally employed,  except  on  the  Sea- Islands,  where  only 
by  a  few  planters,  is  its  value  in  the  latter  operation, 
fully  acknowledged. 

The  task  in  listing  was  formerly  half  an  acre;  in  ridg- 
ing, three-eighths  of  an  acre;  and  in  hoeing  half  an  acre. 
The  present  tasks  are  less,  except  in  hoeing,  which  is  the 
sam.^. 

18  A  larger  quantity  per  hand  could  not  probably  be  manured.-  Grig. 


276  AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

5     UPLAND  COTTON  METHODS 

Turner,  J.  A.  The  Cotton  Planter's  Manual  (New  York,  1857),  15-20. 
Extracts  from  an  "  Essay  on  the  Treatment  and  Cultivation  of  Cot- 
ton "  by  Jas.  M.  Chambers,  read  before  the  Southern  Central  Agri- 
cuhural  Association  of  Georgia. 

In  this  age  of  improvement,  with  scrapers  and  culti- 
vators, and  all  the  endless  variety  of  labor-saving 
ploughs,  and  amid  the  advocates  of  hard-culture  and 
soft-culture,  and  high-ways  and  by-ways,  for  making 
the  crop,  "who  shall  resolve  the  doubt  when  all  pre- 
tend to  know?"  and  who  shall  decide,  with  such  differ- 
ences among  doctors,  who  is  right?  and  who  can  pre- 
tend to  say  what  number  of  acres  to  a  hand  will  con- 
stitute a  crop  with  such  varied  modes  of  culture?  I 
shall  proceed  upon  the  supposition  that  a  plentiful  sup- 
ply of  provisions  are  to  be  made  on  the  farm,  and  then 
set  down  as  a  good  cotton  crop,  ten  acres  to  the  hand. 
Under  favorable  circumstances  a  little  more  may  be  cul- 
tivated, and  on  some  lands  less.  Upon  this  basis  I  pro- 
ceed. As  soon  as  the  young  cotton  is  up  to  a  good  stand, 
and  the  third  and  fourth  leaves  begin  to  appear,  the  op- 
eration may  commence.  In  lands  which  are  smooth  and 
soft,  I  incline  to  the  opinion,  that  the  hoes  should  pre- 
cede the  ploughs,  chopping  into  bunches,  passing  very 
rapidly  on,  and  let  a  careful  ploughman  follow,  on  each 
side  of  the  drill,  throwing  a  little  light  dirt  into  the 
spaces  made  by  the  hoe,  and  a  little  also  about  the  roots 
of  the  cotton,  covering  and  leaving  covered,  all  small 
grass  which  may  have  sprung  up.  This  is,  indeed,  the 
merit  claimed  for  the  operation,  and  after  the  hoes 
have  passed,  the  ploughs  come  on  and  effectually  cover 
and  destroy  the  coat  of  young  grass  then  up.  This  is 
known  to  practical  planters  to  be  the  crop  of  grass  which 
escapes  the  hoe,  and  does  mischief  to  the  cotton.    But 


STAPLES  277 

when  the  land  is  so  rough  as  to  endanger  the  covering 
of  the  cotton  with  the  plough,  the  operation  must  be 
reversed,  and  the  hoes  follow  the  ploughs.  As  all  that 
is  now  proposed  to  be  done  is  a  very  rapid  superficial 
working,  reducing  the  crop  to  bunches,  soon  to  pass  over 
and  return  again  for  a  more  careful  operation.  This 
should  be  done  as  soon  as  possible,  as  will  be  indicated 
by  the  necessities  of  the  case.  The  grass  and  the  weeds 
must  be  kept  down,  and  the  stand  of  cotton  reduced. 
At  this  first  working,  unless  in  lands  already  very  soft, 
I  should  advise  the  siding  to  be  close,  and  be  done  with 
some  plough  which  would  break  and  loosen  the  earth 
deep  about  the  roots  of  the  young  plant.  Others  may 
theorize  as  they  choose,  but  with  a  plant  sending  out  a 
tap  root,  upon  which  it  so  much  relies,  and  striking  so 
deep  into  the  earth,  as  that  of  cotton,  I  shall  insist  upon 
its  accommodation,  by  providing  a  soft,  deep,  mellow 
bed,  into  which  these  roots  may  easily  penetrate.  In 
the  second  working  the  ploughs  should  in  all  cases  go 
before  the  hoes,  and  in  all  lands  at  all  tenacious  or  hard 
let  the  work  be  deep  and  close  again,  and  the  middles  of 
the  row  also  be  well  broken  up  at  this  time.  Now  the 
hoes  have  an  important  and  delicate  duty  to  perform. 
The  cotton  is  to  be  reduced  nearly  to  a  stand,  though  it 
is  now  rather  early  to  be  fully  reduced.  It  is  perhaps 
best  to  leave  two  stalks  where  one  is  intended  to  grow. 
The  young  stalk  is  very  tender,  and  easily  injured  by 
bruises  and  skins  from  rough  and  careless  work,  and  it 
is  much  better  to  aid  a  little  sometimes  with  the  hand 
thinning,  than  to  spoil  a  good  stand  by  bruises  with  the 
hoe.  The  cut-worm  and  the  louse  are  charged  with 
many  sins  which  ought  to  be  put  down  to  the  account  of 
the  careless  working  at  this  critical  stage  of  the  crop. 
The  distance  to  be  given  I  have  before  stated,  and  in  the 


278  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

first  operation  of  bunching  this  ought  to  be  looked  to, 
and  the  spaces  regulated  accordingly.  At  this  second 
passing  over,  the  hoes  must  return  a  little  soft  dirt  to  the 
foot  of  the  stalk,  leaving  it  clean  and  supported.  If  this 
work  is  well  done,  the  weed  will  grow  on,  without  any 
necessity  for  further  attention  for  some  twenty  days  or 
three  weeks,  when  the  plough  should  return  again.  At 
this  time,  some  plough  should  be  used  next  the  cotton 
which  will  tumble  the  soft  earth  about  the  root,  covering 
the  small  young  grass  which  may  have  sprung  up  since 
the  last  working,  but  the  ploughing  should  be  less  close, 
and  shallower  than  at  the  former  working.  The  hoes 
have  much  to  do  in  the  culture  of  this  crop,  and  must  be 
prepared  to  devote  pretty  much  all  of  their  time  to  it, 
constantly  passing  over,  and  perfecting  that  which  can- 
not be  done  with  the  ploughs,  by  thinning  out  surplus 
stalks,  cleaning  away  remaining  bunches  of  grass,  stir- 
ring about  the  roots  of  the  plant,  and  if  need  be,  adding 
a  little  earth  to  them.  It  is  difficult  in  a  treatise  of  this 
sort  to  say  how  often,  and  in  what  manner,  this  crop 
shall  always  be  worked,  when  the  character  of  the  sea- 
sons, and  the  difference  in  the  land,  must  have  necessar- 
ily have  so  much  to  do  in  settling  this  question.  The 
general  rule  must  be,  to  keep  the  earth  loose  and  well 
stirred ;  the  early  workings  to  be  deep  and  close ;  and  as 
the  crop  comes  on  and  the  fruit  begins  to  appear,  let 
these  workings  be  less  close,  and  shallower,  keeping  the 
soil  soft  and  clean.  It  is  of  great  importance  to  work 
this  crop  late,  and  it  should  not  cease  until  the  branches 
lock  or  the  cotton  begins  to  open.  I  do  not  consider 
that  it  is  necessary  to  pile  the  earth  in  large  quantities 
about  the  roots  of  the  cotton,  but  think  the  tendency  of 
all  the  workings  should  be  to  increase  the  quantity. 
The  selection  of  seed  is  an  interest  not  to  be  disre- 


STAPLES  279 

garded.  We  have  been  humbugged  a  great  deal  by 
dealers  and  speculators  in  this  article,  yet  we  would 
greatly  err  to  conclude  that  no  improvement  could  be 
made.  We  should,  however,  save  ourselves  from  this 
sort  of  imposition,  and  improve  our  own  seed,  by  going 
into  the  field  and  picking  each  year,  from  some  of  the 
best  formed  and  best  bearing  stalks,  and  thus  keep  up 
the  improvement.  Great  benefits  may  often  be  derived 
by  changes  of  seed  in  the  same  neighborhood,  from  dif- 
ferences of  soil,  and  occasional  changes  from  a  distant 
and  different  climate  may  be  made  to  great  advantage. 

The  picking  of  cotton  should  commence  just  as  soon 
as  the  hands  can  be  at  all  profitably  employed  -  say  as 
soon  as  forty  or  fifty  pounds  to  the  hand  can  be  gathered. 
It  is  of  great  importance,  not  only  to  the  success  of  the 
work,  but  to  the  complexion  and  character  of  the  staple, 
to  keep  well  up  with  this  work,  so  that  as  far  as  possible 
it  may  be  saved  without  exposure  to  rain.  The  embar- 
rassments to  picking,  when  once  behind,  and  a  storm 
or  heavy  rain  shall  intervene,  mingling  it  with  the  leaf, 
and  tangling  in  the  burr,  are  just  as  great,  as  to  get  be- 
hind it  in  the  cultivation  of  the  crop,  when  much  addi- 
tional labor  will  be  required  to  accomplish  the  same 
object.     .     . 

The  packing  should  be  in  square  bales;  and,  without 
reference  to  freight,  or  any  of  these  mere  incidental  in- 
fluences, I  think  the  weight  of  the  bale  should  be  fixed 
at  about  four  hundred,  or  four  hundred  and  twenty-five 
pounds;  to  be  in  two  breadths  of  wide  bagging,  pressed 
until  the  side  seams  are  well  closed,  or  a  little  lapped, 
and  then  secured  with  six  good  ropes,  the  heads  neatly 
sewed  in,  so  that  when  complete  and  turned  out  of  the 
press,  no  cotton  should  be  seen  exposed.  These  pack- 
ages should  be  nearly  square,  for  the  greater  beauty  of 


28o  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

the  bales,  but  still  more,  for  the  greater  convenience  with 
which  they  may  be  handled  and  shipped,  saving  the  ne- 
cessity for  tearing  the  bags,  and  giving  a  better  guaranty 
that  they  will  reach  a  distant  market  in  good  order. 

The  crop  is  now  made  and  ready  for  market,  and  as 
I  have  gone  through  with  the  labor  of  making,  I  hope 
I  may  be  pardoned  for  manifesting  a  little  interest  as 
to  its  disposal,  and  therefore  venture  to  ofifer  a  little 
advice  on  that  subject.  Create  no  liens  on  this  crop,  or 
necessity  for  selling.  Never  spend  the  money  which  it 
is  to  produce  until  it  is  sold.  You  are  then  free  to  choose 
your  own  market,  and  time  of  selling;  and  as  cotton  is  a 
controlling  article,  it  will  greatly  regulate  the  value  of 
all  property  to  be  purchased,  except  the  redemption 
of  an  outstanding  promise. 

I  might  have  said  something  about  the  topping  of 
cotton,  but  all  I  could  have  done,  would  have  been  to 
put  it  down  as  a  contingent  operation  and  doubtful  in 
its  effects  upon  the  crop,  I  might  also  have  descanted 
largely  in  the  enumeration  and  description  of  insects 
and  diseases  peculiar  to  cotton,  suggested  some  remedy, 
and  swelled  my  essay,  by  a  flourish  in  the  dark,  upon 
topics  about  which  little  is  known ;  but  I  have  felt  that 
it  be  most  in  accordance  with  my  plan,  and  certainly 
most  with  my  feelings,  to  candidly  confess  my  inability, 
and  include  these  all  under  the  head  of  Providential 
contingencies,  to  which  the  crop  is  liable,  and  against 
which  we  may  war  and  contend,  but  which  will,  after 
all,  prove  an  overmatch  for  the  energy,  skill,  or  wisdom 
of  man. 


STAPLES  281 

6    SUGAR  METHODS  IN  JAMAICA 

Lewis,  M.  G.    Journal  of  a  West  Indian  Proprietor   (London,  1834), 
86-89. 

Jan.  II,  1815.  I  saw  the  whole  process  of  sugar- 
making  this  morning.  The  ripe  canes  are  brought  in 
bundles  to  the  mill,  where  the  cleanest  of  the  women  are 
appointed,  one  to  put  them  into  the  machines  for  grind- 
ing them,  and  another  to  draw  them  out  after  the  juice 
has  been  extracted,  when  she  throws  them  into  an  open- 
ing in  the  floor  close  to  her;  another  band  of  negroes 
collects  them  below,  when,  under  the  name  of  trash, 
they  are  carried  away  to  serve  for  fuel.  The  juice, 
which  is  itself  at  first  of  a  pale  ash  colour,  gushes  out  in 
great  streams,  quite  white  with  foam,  and  passes  through 
a  wooden  gutter  into  the  boiling-house,  where  it  is  re- 
ceived into  the  siphon  or  "cock  copper,"  where  fire  is 
applied  to  it,  and  it  is  slaked  with  lime,  in  order  to  make 
it  granulate.  The  feculent  part  of  it  rises  to  the  top, 
while  the  purer  and  more  fluid  flows  through  another 
gutter  into  the  second  copper.  When  but  little  but  the 
impure  scum  on  the  surface  remains  to  be  drawn  off,  the 
first  gutter  communicating  with  the  copper  is  stopped, 
and  the  grosser  parts  are  obliged  to  find  course  through 
another  gutter,  which  conveys  them  to  the  distillery, 
where  being  mixed  with  molasses,  or  treacle,  they  are 
manufactured  into  rum.  From  the  second  copper  they 
are  transmitted  into  the  first,  and  thence  into  two  others, 
and  in  these  four  latter  basins  the  scum  is  removed  with 
skimmers  pierced  with  holes,  till  it  becomes  sufficiently 
free  from  impurities  to  be  skipped  off,  that  is,  to  be 
again  ladled  out  of  the  coppers  and  spread  into  the 
coolers,  where  it  is  left  to  granulate.  The  sugar  is  then 
formed,  and  is  removed  into  the  curing-house^  where  it 
is  put  into  hogsheads,  and  left  to  settle  for  a  certain 


282  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

time,  during  which  those  parts  which  are  too  poor  and 
liquid  to  granulate,  drip  from  the  casks  into  vessels 
placed  beneath  them:  these  drippings  are  the  molasses, 
which  being  carried  into  the  distillery,  and  mixed  with 
the  coarser  scum  formerly  mentioned,  form  the  mixture 
from  which  the  spirituous  liquor  of  sugar  is  afterwards 
produced  by  fermentation:  when  but  once  distilled,  it 
is  called  "low  wine ;"  and  it  is  not  till  after  it  has  gone 
through  a  second  distillation,  that  it  acquires  the  name 
of  rum.  The  "trash"  used  for  fuel  consists  of  the  empty 
canes,  that  which  is  employed  for  fodder  and  for 
thatching  is  furnished  by  the  superabundant  cane-tops; 
after  so  many  have  been  set  apart  as  are  required  for 
planting.  After  these  original  plants  have  been  cut, 
their  roots  throw  up  suckers,  which  in  time  become 
canes,  and  are  called  ratoons:  they  are  far  inferior  in 
juice  to  the  planted  canes ;  but  then,  on  the  other  hand, 
they  require  much  less  weeding,  and  spare  the  negroes 
the  only  laborious  part  of  the  business  of  sugar-making, 
the  digging  holes  for  the  plants ;  therefore,  although  an 
acre  of  ratoons  will  produce  but  one  hogshead  of  sugar, 
while  an  acre  of  plants  will  produce  two,  the  superiority 
of  the  ratooned  piece  is  very  great,  inasmuch  as  the 
saving  of  time  and  labour  will  enable  the  proprietor 
to  cultivate  five  acres  of  ratoons  in  the  same  time  with 
one  of  plants.  Unluckily,  after  three  crops,  or  five  at 
the  utmost,  in  general  the  ratoons  are  totally  exhausted, 
and  you  are  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  fresh  plants. 

7     UNCERTAINTY  OF  RETURNS  IN  TOBACCO 

Letter  of  Benedict  Leonard  Calvert,  Annapolis,  Md.,  Oct.  26,  1729,  to 
Charles  Lord  Baltimore,  published  in  the  Maryland  Historical  So- 
ciety's Fund  Publication,  no.  34,  70. 

In  Virginia  and  Maryland  Tobacco  is  our  Staple,  is 
our  All,  and  Indeed  leaves  no  room  for  anything  Else; 


STAPLES  283 

It  requires  the  Attendance  of  all  our  hands,  and  Exacts 
their  utmost  labour,  the  whole  year  round;  it  requires 
us  to  abhor  Communitys  or  townships,  since  a  Planter 
cannot  Carry  on  his  Affairs,  without  Considerable  El- 
bow room,  within  his  plantation.  When  All  is  done, 
and  our  Tobacco  sent  home,  it  is  perchance  the  most  un- 
certain Commodity  that  Comes  to  Markett;  and  the 
management  of  it  there  is  of  such  a  nature  and  method, 
that  it  seems  to  be  of  all  other,  most  lyable  and  Subject 
to  frauds,  in  prejudice  to  the  poor  Planters.  Tobacco 
Merchants,  who  deal  in  Consignments,  get  great  Es- 
tates, run  no  risque,  and  Labour  only  with  the  pen; 
the  Planter  can  scarce  get  a  living.  Runs  all  the 
risques  attendant  upon  trade,  both  as  to  his  negroes  and 
Tobacco,  and  must  work  in  variety  of  Labour.  I  write 
not  this  in  malicious  Envy  to  the  Merchts,  nor  do  I  wish 
them  less  success  in  business;  but  I  heartily  wish  the 
Planters  Lay  was  better.  When  our  Tobacco  then  is 
sold  at  home,  whatever  is  the  product  of  it  returns  not 
to  us  in  Money,  but  is  either  converted  into  Apparell, 
Tools  or  other  Conveniences  of  life,  or  Else  remains 
there,  as  it  were  Dead  to  us;  for  where  the  Staple  of  a 
Countrey,  upon  forreign  Sale,  yields  no  returns  of 
money,  to  Circulate  in  such  a  Country,  the  want  of  such 
Circulation  must  leave  it  almost  Inanimate. 

8    THE  TYRANNY  OF  KING  COTTON 

(a)     Georgia  Courier  (Augusta),  Oct.  11,  1827,   A  traveller's  impres- 
sions. 

A  Plague  0'  this  Cotton 

A  traveller  from  Charleston  to  St.  Louis  on  the  Mis- 
souri, in  a  letter  to  a  friend  in  the  former  city,  thus 
describes  the  manner  in  which  he  was  bored  with  the 
eternal  sight  and  sound  of  this  staple  produce  of  the 
country : 


284  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

When  I  took  my  last  walk  along  the  wharves  in 
Charleston,  and  saw  them  piled  up  with  mountains  of 
Cotton,  and  all  your  stores,  ships,  steam  and  canal  boats, 
crammed  with  and  groaning  under,  the  weight  of  Cot- 
ton, I  returned  to  the  Planters'  Hotel,  where  I  found 
the  four  daily  papers,  as  well  as  the  conversation  of  the 
boarders,  teeming  with  Cotton!  Cotton!!  Cotton!!! 
Thinks  I  to  myself  'I'll  soon  change  this  scene  of  cotton.' 
But,  alas!  How  easily  deceived  is  short-sighted  man! 
Well,  I  got  into  my  gig  and  wormed  my  way  up  through 
Queen,  Meeting,  King,  and  St.  Philip's-streets,  dodging 
from  side  to  side,  to  steer  clear  of  the  cotton  waggons, 
and  came  to  the  New  Bridge  Ferry.-  Here  I  crossed 
over  in  the  Horse-boat,  with  several  empty  cotton  wag- 
gons, and  found  a  number  on  the  other  side,  loaded 
with  cotton,  going  to  town.  From  this  I  continued  on, 
meeting  with  little  else  than  cotton  fields,  cotton  gins, 
cotton  waggons  -  but  'the  wide,  the  unbounded  prospect 
lay  before  me!'  I  arrived  in  Augusta;  and  when  I  saw 
cotton  waggons  in  Broad-street,  I  whistled!  but  said 
nothing!!!  But  this  was  not  all;  there  was  more  than  a 
dozen  tow  boats  in  the  river,  with  more  than  a  thou- 
sand bales  of  cotton  on  each;  and  several  steam  boats 
with  still  more.  And  you  must  know,  that  they  have 
cotton  warehouses  there  covering  whole  squares,  all 
full  of  cotton;  and  some  of  the  knowing  ones  told  me, 
that  there  were  then  in  the  place  from  40,000  to  50,000 
bales.  And  Hamburg  (as  a  negro  said)  was  worser, 
according  to  its  size;  for  it  puzzled  me  to  tell  which 
was  the  largest,  the  piles  of  cotton  or  the  houses.  I 
now  left  Augusta;  and  overtook  hordes  of  cotton 
planters  from  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and 
Georgia,  with  large  gangs  of  negroes,  bound  to  Ala- 
bama, Mississippi  and  Louisiana;  'where  the  cotton 


STAPLES  285 

land  is  not  worn  out.'  Besides  these,  I  overtook  a  num- 
ber of  empty  cotton  waggons,  returning  home,  and  a 
great  many  loaded  with  cotton  going  to  Augusta.  Two 
of  these  waggons  meeting  one  day,  directly  opposite  me, 
the  following  dialogue  took  place  between  the  drivers  - 
What's  cotton  in  Augusta?'  says  the  one  with  a  load.- 
'Cottonl'  says  the  other.  The  enquirer  supposing  him- 
self not  to  be  understood,  repeats  'What's  cotton  in  Au- 
gusta?' 'Its  cotton,'  says  the  other.  'I  know  that,'  says 
the  first,  'but  what  is  it?'  -  'Why,'  says  the  other,  'I  tell 
you  its  cotton!  cotton  is  cotton!  in  Augusta,  and  every 
where  else,  that  ever  I  heard  of.'  'I  know  that  as  well 
as  you,'  says  the  first,  'but  what  does  cotton  bring  in  Au- 
gusta?' 'Why,  it  brings  nothing  there,  but  everybody 
brings  cotton.'  'Look  here,'  says  the  first  waggoner, 
with  an  oath,  'you  had  better  leave  the  State;  for  I'll  be 

d d  if  you  don't  know  too  much  for  Georgia.' 

I  continued  my  journey  passing  cotton  fields;  till  I 
arrived  at  Holt's  Ferry,  on  the  Oconee,  where  I  saw 
three  large  pole  boats  loaded  with  bales  of  cotton, 
twelve  tier  in  height.  From  thence  I  went  to  Milledge- 
ville,  where  I  found  the  prevailing  topic  of  the  place, 
'what  an  infernal  shame  it  was,  that  such  a  quantity  of 
virgin  cotton  land  should  be  suffered  to  remain  in  the 
possession  of  the  infernal  Creek  Indians.'  From  Mill- 
edgeville,  I  went  to  Macon,  which  they  say  is  sur- 
rounded with  most  excellent  cotton  land;  but  the  town 
it  is  supposed,  will  grow  much  faster  when  it  becomes 
the  seat  of  Government,  and  has  more  banks.  From 
thence,  I  moved  on  to  the  westward,  crossing  Flint 
River,  and  from  thence  to  the  Chattahoochie  found  cot- 
ton land  speculators  thicker  than  locusts  in  Egypt.  But 
from  Line  Creek  to  Montgomery  (14  miles)  the  land 
is  nearly  level;  the  fields  of  one  plantation  joining  by 


286  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

a  fence  those  of  another;  and  all  extending  back  from 
the  road  farther  than  you  can  distinctly  see;  and  the 
cotton  pretty  even,  and  about  as  high  as  the  fences,  and 
has  the  appearance  (as  Riley  says  of  Zahara)  of  a  com- 
plete horison  of  cotton.  They  have,  almost  all  of  them, 
over-planted;  and  had  not  more  than  one-half  their  cot- 
ton picked  in ;  each  plantation  has  a  cotton  gin.  I  next 
came  to  Montgomery,  which  I  found  over  stocked  with 
cotton,  and  no  boats  to  take  it  away.  From  Montgomery 
I  went  to  Blakely,  and  on  my  way,  saw  many  cotton 
plantations,  and  met,  and  over-took,  nearly  one  hundred 
cotton  waggons,  traveling  over  a  road  so  bad,  that  a  State 
Prisoner  could  hardly  walk  through  it  to  make  his  es- 
cape. And  although  people  say  that  Blakely  is  done 
over,  there  was  not  a  little  cotton  in  it.  From  there  I 
crossed  over  to  Mobile,  in  a  small  steam  boat  loaded  up 
to  the  top  of  the  smoke-j)ipe  with  cotton.  This  place  is 
a  receptacle  monstrous  for  the  article.  Look  which  way 
you  will  you  see  it;  and  see  it  moving;  keel  boats,  steam 
boats,  ships,  brigs,  schooners,  wharves,  stores,  and  press- 
houses,  all  appeared  to  be  full;  and  I  believe  that  in  the 
three  days  that  I  was  there,  boarding  with  about  one 
hundred  cotton  factors,  cotton  merchants,  and  cotton 
planters,  I  must  have  heard  the  word  cotton  pronounced 
more  than  3000  times. 

From  Mobile  I  went  to  New  Orleans  in  a  schooner, 
and  she  was  stuffed  full  of  cotton.  I  arrived  at  New 
Orleans  on  the  8th  of  February,  on  the  night  on  which 
Miss  Kelly  was  to  make  her  first  appearance  there;  and 
I  went  to  the  Theatre.  I  was  directed  to  go  up  a  cer- 
tain street  in  the  upper  Faubourg  and  turn  into  the  first 
conspicuous  brick  building,  lighted  up  on  the  right. 
I  did  so;  and  lo  and  behold!  I  found  myself  in  a  steam 
cotton-press  house,  where  they  work,  watch  and  watch 


STAPLES  287 

by  candle-light,  screwing  cotton.  After  an  examina- 
tion, however,  I  went  to  the  play:  and  after  that  was 
out,  I  enquired  the  way  to  a  licensed  Pharo  Bank,  and 
was  told  that  I  would  find  one  at  the  Louisiana  Coffee- 
house, just  below  the  cotton-press,  opposite  to  a  cotton 
ware-house.  I  don't  know  how  many  hundred  thousand 
bales  of  cotton  there  were  in  New  Orleans;  but  I  was 
there  only  six  days,  in  which  time  there  arrived  upwards 
of  20,000  bales,-  and  when  we  dropped  out  into  the 
stream  in  a  steam-boat,  to  ascend  the  river,  the  levee 
for  a  mile  up  and  down,  opposite  the  shipping,  where 
they  were  walking  bales  on  end,  looked  as  if  it  was 
alive.  A  Kentuckian  who  was  on  board,  swore  the 
cotton  had  rose  upon  the  town :  'don't  you  see'  says  he, 
'the  bales  marching  up  the  levy.'  Coming  up  the  river, 
I  saw  many  cotton  plantations,  and  many  boats  at  Baton 
Rouge,  Bayou  Sarah,  and  other  intermediate  places, 
loading  with  cotton.  And  in  passing  the  mouth  of  Red 
River,  we  took  on  board  five  more  passengers,  who  live 
near  Natchitoches.  They  say  that  they  cannot  get  boats 
enough  in  the  river  to  bring  the  cotton  down  that  is 
made  there,  that  they  make  the  best  cotton  they  ever 
saw;  that  they  have  the  best  cotton  lands  of  all  the  cot- 
ton countries;  and  that  if  they  continue  to  settle  up 
there  as  fast  for  the  next  five  years,  as  they  have  for  the 
last,  they  will  be  able  to  inundate  the  world  with  cot- 
ton! I  At  the  mouth  of  Arkansas  River,  we  took  on 
board  about  hfty  negroes  and  two  overseers,  who  had 
made  a  very  excellent  crop  of  cotton  in  the  Territory, 
but  found  it  too  unhealthy  a  place  to  remain,  and  were 
going  back  to  North  Alabama.  From  New  Orleans  to 
the  mouth  of  Tennessee  River,  we  passed  about  thirty 
steam-boats,  and  more  than  half  of  them  laden  with 
cotton ;  also  about  twenty  flat  boats  a  day,  for  ten  days, 


288  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

and  about  half  of  them  were  loaded  with  cotton.  When 
we  got  up  to  the  Muscle  Shoals  there  was  more  cotton 
in  waiting  than  would  fill  a  dozen  steam-boats.  I  went 
by  land  from  Florence  and  Tuscumbia,  to  Huntsville. 
There  is  a  vast  deal  of  cotton  made  about  the  Shoals, 
in  North  Alabama;  and  they  go  all  for  quantity,  and 
not  for  quality.  Ginned  cotton  was  selling  there  for 
about  six  cents;  and  most  of  the  lesser  planters  have 
sold  theirs,  in  the  seed,  at  one  and  a  half.  After  leaving 
Huntsville,  I  passed  to  Nashville ;  and  on  my  way,  saw 
an  abundance  of  cotton  and  cotton  fields.  The  Tennes- 
seans  think  that  no  other  State  is  of  any  account  but 
their  own;  Kentuck,  they  say,  would  be,  if  it  could 
grow  cotton ;  but,  as  it  is,  it  is  good  for  nothing.  They 
calculate  on  40  or  50,000  bales  of  cotton  going  from 
Nashville  this  season;  that  is,  if  they  can  get  boats  to 
carry  it  all. 

From  Nashville,  I  descended  the  Cumberland  river 
in  a  steam-boat,  between  two  keelboats,  the  Cherokee 
and  Tecumseh,  (poor  Indian  names,  that  have  rang 
from  Nickajack  to  Michilimackinac!  now  doomed  to 
bear  the  burthen  of  the  whites!)  all  three  piled  up  with 
cotton;  and  after  getting  below  the  Shoals,  to  Clarks- 
ville,  they  stopped  and  took  in  30  bales  more.  I  left  this 
boat  at  Smithfield,  at  the  mouth  of  Cumberland,  where, 
there  was  another  large  steam  boat  loaded  with  cotton 
for  New  Orleans.  After  seeing,  hearing,  and  dream- 
ing of  nothing  but  cotton  for  seventy  days  and  seventy 
nights,  I  began  to  anticipate  relief.  For  on  the  route  I 
took,  whether  by  night  or  by  day  or  by  stage  or  by  steam 
boat,  wake  up  when  or  where  you  would,  you  were  sure 
to  hear  a  dissertation  on  cotton.  One  night,  in  Mobile 
I  was  waked  up  about  two  o'clock,  by  two  merchant's 
clerks,  who  slept  in  the  same  room,  and  were  just  going 


STAPLES  289 

to  bed.  They  were  talking  of  Lottery  Tickets ;  and  says 
one  to  the  other,  'If  you  were  to  draw  the  50,000  dollars 
Prize,  what  would  you  do  with  it?'  'Do  with  it?'  says 
the  other,  'why  I  would  take  25,000  dollars  of  it  and 
build  a  large  fire  proof  brick  store;  and  with  the  other 
25,000  dollars  I  would  fill  it  with  cotton  at  8^  cents,  the 
present  prices,  and  keep  it  till  it  rose  to  17,  and  then  I 
would  sell.'  But  this  is  only  one  item  of  a  thousand.  On 
the  1 6th  of  March,  there  came  along  a  steam  boat  from 
Louisville,  bound  to  St.  Louis,  and  I  took  my  passage  in 
her.  She  had  not  a  bale  of  cotton  on  board,  nor  did  I 
hear  it  named  more  than  twice  in  36  hours.  We  ran 
down  the  Ohio  to  its  mouth,  thence  up  the  Mississippi, 
and  I  had  a  pretty  tolerable  night's  sleep;  though  I 
dreamed  of  cotton.     .     . 

(b)     Georgia  Courier  (Augusta),  June  21,  1827.    Editorial. 

We  see  in  the  Southern  papers,  propositions  to  ex- 
clude Northern  manufacturers,  and  Western  Pork, 
Beef,  etc.,  and  to  manufacture  and  wear  our  own  Cloth, 
and  eat  pork  and  beef,  etc.,  of  our  own  raising.  The  ob- 
ject to  be  obtained  by  these  suggestions  all  must  approve, 
whatever  they  may  think  of  the  spirit  which  urges  their 
adoption  at  this  particular  moment.  That  we  have 
cultivated  cotton,  cotton,  cotton,  and  bought  every  thing 
else,  has  long  enough  been  our  opprobium.  It  is  time 
we  should  be  roused  by  some  means  or  other  to  see,  that 
such  a  course  of  conduct  will  inevitably  terminate  in  our 
ultimate  poverty  and  ruin.  Let  us  manufacture,  be- 
cause it  is  our  best  policy.  Let  us  go  more  on  provision 
crops  and  less  on  cotton,  because  we  have  had  every 
thing  about  us  poor  and  impoverished  long  enough  - 
This  we  can  do  without  manifesting  any  ill-nature  to 
any  of  the  members  of  the  same  great  family,  all  whose 
earnings  go  to  swell  the  general  prosperity  and  happi- 


290  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

ness.  Much  of  our  chagrin  and  ill-nature  on  this  sub- 
ject may  be  justly,  because  truly,  ascribed  to  a  sense  of 
shame,  which  we  of  the  Southern  States  feel,  that  we 
have  been  so  long  behind  our  Northern  neighbors  in  the 
production  of  every  thing  that  substantially  administers 
to  the  elegance  or  the  comforts  of  life.  It  has  been  our 
own  fault -not  theirs.  If  we  have  followed  a  ruinous 
policy,  and  bought  all  the  articles  of  subsistence  instead 
of  raising  them,  who  is  to  blame  ?  For  what  have  we  not 
looked  to  our  Northern  friends?  From  them  we  get  not 
only  our  clothes,  carriages,  saddles,  hats,  shoes,  flour, 
potatoes,  but  even  our  onions  and  horn  buttons.  The 
latter  we  wear  on  our  under  garments,  as  if  ashamed 
to  acknowledge  that  we  owed  the  manufacture  of  such  a 
trifling  article  to  others.  Let  us  change  our  policy,  but 
without  that  spirit  and  those  expressions  which  leave  a 
festering  sore  in  the  hearts  of  those  who  should  be 
brothers.  Let  our  farmers  make  and  wear  their  Home- 
spun -  raise  in  greater  plenty  corn  and  wheat,  which 
will  enable  them  to  raise  their  own  hogs,  cattle  and 
horses,  and  let  those  who  have  capital  and  enterprise, 
manufacture  on  a  more  extensive  scale.  There  is  nothing 
to  prevent  us  from  doing  it.  We  have  good  land,  unlim- 
ited water-powers,  capital  in  plenty,  and  a  patriotism 
which  is  running  over  in  some  places.  If  the  Tariff 
drives  us  to  this,  we  say,  let  the  name  be  sacred  in  all 
future  generations. 

(c)  Report  from  the  Wateree  Agricultural  Society,  in  the  South  Caro- 
lina uplands,  1843,  printed  in  Edmund  Ruffin's  Report  of  the  Agri- 
cultural Survey  of  South  Carolina  (Columbia,  1843),  Appendix,  40. 

For  many  years,  while  our  chief  marketable  product, 
cotton,  bore  a  high  price,  many  of  us  were  in  the  habit 
of  raising  that  almost  exclusively,  and  depending  upon 
supplies  of  bread  and  meat  from  abroad,  which  the  cot- 


STAPLES  291 

ton  crop  had  to  pay  for  -  as  well  as  for  the  animal  power 
necessary  on  the  plantation;  a  most  pernicious  practice, 
which  has  impoverished  the  State  by  millions,  and  been 
the  ruin  of  many  planters.  It  is  believed  that  stern 
necessity  has  forced  the  planter  to  abandon  this  system 
measurably.  It  is  unusual  for  any  one  in  this  neighbor- 
hood to  purchase  either  meat  or  bread;  and  we  are  rap- 
idly becoming  raisers  of  our  own  animal  power  on  the 
plantations. 

It  is  believed  that  we  are  as  successful  as  any  body  of 
planters  in  the  State,  on  the  same  character  of  lands, 
in  the  mode  of  our  culture.  Certainly  we  have  pressed 
too  far  the  old,  and  seemingly  well  established  doctrine; 
to  wear  out  the  land  by  cropping  without  manure,  and 
then  open  new  lands.  But  this  system  is  also  giving  way 
to  the  sober  light  of  experience ;  which  teaches,  that  one 
acre  well  manured  and  taken  care  of,  will  produce  more 
in  the  average  of  years,  than  two  acres  even  of  fresh 
land,  not  manured. 

(d)     Federal  Union   (Milledgeville,  Ga.),  June   13,  1843.     Editorial. 

Better  Times  -  Our  readers  have,  unquestionably, 
been  tired  of  seeing  statements  of  the  abundance  of 
money  in  the  market,  and  at  the  same  time  experiencing 
unexampled  pressure  from  the  want  of  it  -  of  interest 
reduced  to  the  lowest  point  ever  witnessed,  and  at  the 
same  time  property  worthless.  We  have  read  and  heard 
that  money,  like  water,  would  find  its  level,  but  for  four 
years  it  has  more  resembled  ice  thrown  into  enormous 
masses,  and  fixed  by  the  eternal  frosts  of  the  poles. 

But  we  have  the  satisfaction  of  announcing  the  symp- 
toms of  a  change  to  better  times.  The  stream  of  money, 
so  long  stagnant,  has  moved,  and,  like  other  matter  in 
motion,  will  not  rest  till  checked  by  opposing  causes. 
The  stock  market,  which  seems  to  have  been  systemat- 


igi  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

ically  thrust  down,  has  the  honor  of  first  ofifering  suf- 
ficient inducements  to  the  holders  of  money.  They  have 
gone  into  it  largely,  and  the  holders  of  these  stocks  who 
have  been  prostrate  under  the  burthen  for  years,  are  re- 
lieved. This  beginning  of  relief  will  soon  be  felt  in 
other  departments  of  business.  Other  property  will  feel 
the  impulse,  and  the  debtor  class,  who  have  disdained 
to  take  shelter  under  the  bankrupt  act,  will  begin  to  find 
purchasers  for  that  property  which  they  have  held  to 
such  disadvantage.  Hope!  that  anchor  of  the  soul,  torn 
loose,  till  morals  have  been  crushed  and  honor  but  a 
name,  will  find  again  its  place  of  rest.  Times  will  be 
better.  How  soon  and  to  what  extent,  we  know  not,  but 
we  are  well  assured  the  time  will  not  be  long.  Over- 
production in  the  cotton  region  may  protract  the  day 
with  us ;  but  stupidity  has  its  limits,  and  cotton  which 
cannot  be  spun,  will  not  be  made.  We  may  go  on  till 
the  ware-houses  of  Europe  are  full,  and  our  own  sea- 
ports walled  in  with  cotton ;  but  there  will  be  an  end  to 
this  folly.  Men  will  not  labor  for  nothing.  There  is  a 
point  beyond  which  the  consumption  of  cotton  cannot 
go.  It  requires  three  hundred  consumers  for  one  pro- 
ducer of  this  article.  -  It  will  soon  be  seen  lying  unsold 
in  the  barns  of  our  planters.  They  will  then  learn  wis- 
dom. They  will  cease  to  send  to  the  ends  of  the  earth 
for  things  as  easily  raised  at  home. 


V.    PLANTATION  SUPPLIES  AND  FAC- 
TORAGE 

I     A  GEORGIA  PLANTER  BUYS  NEGRO  CLOTHES  IN 

LONDON 

Letter  of  James  Habersham,  Savannah,  Ga.,  March  9,  1764,  to  William 
Knox,  London.  MS.  copy  in  the  possession  of  the  Georgia  Historical 
Society,  Savannah.  Printed  in  the  Georgia  Historical  Society's  Col- 
lections, vol.  vi,  15-17. 

Savannah  in  Georgia  the  9th  of  March  1764- 
D""  Sir:  I  dont  write  because  I  am  indebted  to  you  a 
letter,  as  I  think  the  Ballance  on  that  account  is  in  my 
Favour -My  last  to  you  was  dated  the  20*^  of  Jan"^^  pr 
Capt  Quince  from  that  Port,  when  I  acquainted  you 
with  y""  concerns  here,  which  remain  in  Statu  quo,  except 
that  M^  Martin  has  paid  me  £70  in  part  of  y^  last  y" 
rent,  and  when  I  can  spare  y'^  money  and  get  Bills  I  will 
remit  it  to  you  -  This  will  be  handed  to  you  by  a  worthy 
Lady,  whose  Company  and  Presence  must  make  you, 
because  she  does  every  one  that  is  favoured  with  it, 
happy,  and  in  order  to  give  you  an  opportunity  of  see- 
ing her  often,  I  will  charge  you  with  a  Commission,  in 
the  Execution  of  which  you  will  be  under  the  agreeable 
necessity  of  consulting  her,  without  being  deemed  an 
Intruder,  and  I  hope  I  shall  receive  y'  thanks  in  y""  next 
for  this  Piece  of  Friendship  -  But  Andrew,  you  must 
understand  that  the  Governor,  M^  Harris,  and  myself 
are  desirous  if  it  can  conveniently  be  done,  to  cloth[e] 
our  Negroes  a  little  better  than  common,  and  we  sup- 
pose we  may  do  that,  and  save  the  trouble  of  getting 
their  cloths  made  here,  by  having  them  made  up  in 


294  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

London.  You  have  two  letters  enclosed,  which  I  have 
sent  open  for  your  Perusal  which  when  you  have  read 
please  to  put  a  wafer  on  them,  and  cause  them  to  be  de- 
livered -  You  will  see  that  H  &  H  wrote  to  M'  Nickle- 
son  &  Co  for  a  little  Iron  ware  for  the  sole  use  of  our 
respective  Plantations,  and  also  to  M^  Harris  for  our 
Negroe  Cloth [e]s;  as  we  suppose  He  can  supply  us  as 
well  and  as  cheap  as  any  other  Person  in  London,  but  if 
not,  you  may  engage  where  our  Intentions  will  be  best 
executed,  and  M""  Nickleson  and  Co  will  be  answerable 
for  them  -  If  M'  Harris  can  do  them,  He  will  charge 
them  to  H  &  H,  whereby  we  shall  save  a  commission 
of  .  .  .  pet,  besides  perhaps  putting  something  in  his 
way- We  want  120  Mens  Jackets  and  Breeches  and  80 
womens  gowns  or  habits  of  which  at  least  5^  for  middle 
sized  one  fourth  for  the  larger  and  the  remaining  fourth 
for  the  smaller  sizes  men  &  women -You  know  that 
5  yds  of  Plains  usually  makes  a  mans  jacket  &  Breeches 
or  a  womans  gown,  and  the  cost  of  the  best  bought  here 
with  making  is  about  10^  and  for  this  sum  I  suppose 
they  may  be  had  in  London  of  Cloth  at  least  stronger 
and  more  durable  and  consequently  warmer  and  more 
comfortable  -  You  see  we  dont  purpose  saving  or  rather 
that  is  not  our  motive  tho'  the  more  saved  the  better, 
as  the  charges  landed  here  will  at  least  come  at  10  or 
12  pet  M"  Gillivray  has  imported  Sailor  Pea  Jackets 
and  I  believe  Breeches  made  of  the  same  Cloth  for  his 
Men  and  the  former  cost  in  London  7^  and  the  latter  3/6 
but  this  cloth  must  be  too  heavy  and  clumsy  for  womens 
wear  -  However  something  of  the  kind  may  answer  for 
men.  If  I  remember,  the  West  Country  Barge  Men 
have  their  Jackets  made  of  a  very  strong,  cheap  cloth, 
I  believe  called  Foul  Weather  and  the  Color  being 
Drab  or  something  like  it  I  should  think  would  suit  our 


PLANTATION   SUPPLIES  295 

dusty  Barns,  as  well  as  their  dusty  flour  sacks.  Upon 
the  whole  there  is  no  directing  from  this  Distance  -  In 
London  you  may  have  anything  the  Nation  may  furnish, 
and  we  must  leave  the  choice  of  the  Cloth,  both  for  the 
men  and  women  to  you  and  the  worthy  Bearer,  whose 
Judgement  in  this  matter,  let  me  tell  you  I  should  prefer 
to  yours,  for  tho'  I  have  called  you  a  planter,  I  am  free 
to  say,  you  are  but  a  learner-  .  .  .  Perhaps  you 
may  do  well  to  give  a  Pot  of  Porter  extraordinary  p"" 
suit  to  have  them  sewe'd  strong.  You  will  please  also 
get  them  as  soon  as  possible  as  they  should  be  here  in 
August  or  at  the  farthest  in  all  September,  when  the 
Nights  and  mornings  begin  to  be  cold,  and  you  know 
we  have  sometimes  some  very  sharp  days  the  beginning 
of  October,  when  the  Negroes  unless  fresh  supplyed, 
are  usually  in  rags.  But  I  have  said  enough  on  this  sub- 
ject, and  you  will  learn  better  what  is  passing  here  from 
the  Bearer,  than  I  can  relate,  which  concludes  me  D*" 
Sir  Y^  aff"*"  F'^'^  and  Servant - 

P.S.  I  had  forgotten  to  mention  that  a  young  lady  who 
will  accompany  this  hopes  to  have  a  finger  in  the  pye 
and  expects  at  least  to  be  consulted  about  the  choice  of 
the  Buttons,  which  will  not  be  disagreeable  to  you  -  If 
I  receive  no  contrary  orders,  I  shall  endeavor  to  procure 
a  bill,  when  the  Silk  is  drawn  for,  for  at  least  £260  to 
send  you -I   find   M'   Beskuake  bought  M'  M'^Gil- 
livray  Cloth[e]s  of  Mr.  Jesser  who  I  think  lives  near 
Billings  gate,  and  were  charged  as  Under. 
Mens  Jackets.    7® 
Boys  Ditto    5/ 
Mens  Breeches    3/6 

Boys  Ditto  2/3  But  I  suppose  were  called  Boys  for 
lads  from  15-17  which  will  agreeably  do  for  some  small 
men.    Since  writing  the  foregoing,  I  am  told,  what  are 


296 


AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 


called  Short  Gowns  or  wrappers  with  petticoats  are  best 
for  women,  but  in  this  the  Bearer  will  direct  you  - 1 
know  not  how  much  you  will  be  indebted  to  us  for  mak- 
ing you  so  much  wiser,  than  perhaps  you  wou'd  other- 
wise ever  have  been,  had  not  this  incident  fallen  in  y*" 
way- 

2    AN  INVOICE  OF  PLANTATION,  HOUSEHOLD,  AND 
PERSONAL  SUPPLIES 

Invoice  of  goods  ordered  of  his  London  factors,  July,  1767.  MS.  copy 
in  Washington's  handwriting  in  the  Library  of  Congress,  George 
Washington  Papers,  vol.  xvii,   lo-ii. 

Invoice  of  Goods  to  be  sent  by  Robert  Gary,  Esqr. 
&  Co.  [London],  for  the  uses  of  George  Washington - 
Potomack  River  -Virginia  -  viz. 


6    Strong    and    Secret    pad- 
locks -  middle   size. 

I  Steel     Slay -proper     for 
weaving  Sale  Cloth  No.  3. 

I  pr.  Weavers  pickers. 

1  pr.  Ditto  Shears. 

4  pr.  Clothiers  Cards. 
6  pr.  Coarse  Wool  Do. 
4  frying  panns-viz-2  large 
-I  middle  size-&  i  very  small. 

2  Iron  Skillets  -  i   to  hold  2 
Quarts  -  the  other  3  Quarts 

1  Hunting  Horn 
12  pr.  Dog  Couples 

2  best  knitting  Needles  sorted 
-not  to  be  made  of  Brass. 

6  pr.  best  Sheep  Shears 
2  best    trap   Cocks -common 
size. 

4  best  Carpenters  broad  Axes 
4  Ditto      Ditto      Adzes. 
6  Do.    Do.    Claw  Hammers 


6  Do.    Do.    large  &  Strg. 
Compasses 

6  two  feet  Rules - 
6  knots  of  Chalk  line 
I  Sett  of  Iron  Scures  for 
Cooking 

I  Larding  Pin  for  Do. 
I  Glaziers  best   Diamond  n. 
y.  point  Md. 

M.  common  brass  Nails 

Sett,  of  pinking  Irons 

Tap  borer 

large  Funnels 

Quart  Tinn  Canns 

small  CofFee  Pot  of  Black 


6 
I 
I 
2 

6 

I 
Tinn 

2  Chocolate  Do.  of  Do.  i 
large  &  other  Small. 

I  Dozn.  Tinn  Sheets 

200  Needles  proper  for 
Works  &  Stitch 

100  fathom  of  Deep-Sea  Line 


PLANTATION  SUPPLIES 


297 


6  cords  of  Drum  Line. 
70  Yds  Russia  Sheets,  a  1/6. 
white 

2  pc.  Russia  Drab,  or  Drill 
200  Ells  of  Rolls  a  4d. 
I  piece  of  Buckram  - 

1  dozn.  fine  Cambk.  Pockt. 
Handks.  of  the  Chinese  sorte  at 
abt.  3/6. 

2  best  8  4.  flanders  Bed  Ticks 
with  Boulsters  &  Pillows 

2  large  Mattrasses 

6  lb.  best  Green  Tea 

3  lb.  Do.  Hyson  Do. 

3  lb.  best  flour  of  Mustard 
25  lb.  Jordan  Almonds 

10  loaves  dble  refind  Sugar 
10    Do.    single     -     Do. 
I  Jarr  best  new  Raisons. 
I    Do.  Do.  Do.  Currn. 
1-2  Gallon  fine  Sallid  Oyl 

4  Quart  bottles  of  Capers 
4     Do.       Do.    best  french 

Olives 

50  lb.  best  white  Bisquet 
3  dble  Gloucester  Cheeses - 

ab.  60  lb. 

I  Cheshire  Do.  ab.  40 

1  Groce  best  bottled  Porter 

2  best  Launets  in  one  case 

6  Common  Do.  each  in  sepe. 

25  lb.  Antimony 

10  lb.  flour  of  Sulpher 

2  Oz.  Honey  Water 

3  Quarts  Spirit  of  Turpentine 

2  lb.  best  Jesuits  Bark  pow- 
dered 

3  Oz.  of  Rhubarb  Do.  &  put 
into  a  bottle 


I  pint  Spirit  of  Hartshorn 
6  Oz.  Do.  of  Lavender 
6  Do.  Do.  Nitre 

1  lb.  Blistering  Plaister 

4  Oz.  Tincture  of  Castor 
8  Do.  Balsam  Capivi 
1-4  Lb.  Termer ick 

2  lb.  french  Indigo  (or  Span- 
ish if  better  for  dying) 

6  lb.  of  Braziel  for  Do. 
10  .  worth  of  gold  leaf 
10  lb.  finest  green  paint  gd. 
in  Oil 

3  fine  painters  Brushes 

3  dozn.  pr.  plaid  Hose  No.  3 
3  dozn.  pr.  Do.     Do.    No.  4 

2  best  white  Woolen  Cirsin- 
gles 

3  Cruppers  for  Mens  Saddles 

1  ps.  best  Sattin  Ribbon  for 
the  Hair 

1-4  lb  Cloth  coloured  Sewg. 
Silk 

2  oz.  Black  Do.  Do. 

2  lb.  whited  brown  thread 

4  Oz.    6d.  Do.  4  Oz.  8d.  Do. 
4  Oz.  1 2d.  Do.  4  Oz.  2/.  Do. 

3  Oz.  bleu  Coventry  thread  I 
Oz.  very  g. 

6  pieces  of  Bobbin    6  Do.  beg- 
gars Tap. 

1-2  Groce  Cottn.  Laces     12 
Do.  Stay  Taps. 

3  Quire  large  Elephant  Paper 
6  dozn.  Packs  Harry  Cards 
I      handsome     Pocket     Book 
(pretty  large) 

The  7  th.  Volume  of  Museum 
Rusticum 


298 


AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 


6  pr.  Womans  fine  Cotton 
Hose 

6  pr.  Do.  Do.  Thread  Do 

6  pr.  Mens  large  Spun  Silk 
Do.  3  to  be  ribd.  &  not  to  exd. 
5/  pr.  pr. 

6  pr.  Do.  Do.  W  thread  Do. 

2  pr.  Stitchd.  Topd.  buck 
Gloves  for  a  large  hand  (Mens) 

I  pr.  Stoutest  Buck  Breeches 
of     Susanne     Coleman     .     .     . 
4  Mens  Custor  Hatts-a  5/. 
I  Do.  best  Beaver 
12  groce  best  Corks 
25  lb.  best  Battle  powder 
25  lb.  Do.  EF     .-Ditto 
150  lb.  drop  Shott.    No.  2 
150  lb.  large  Bristol  blere 
25  lb.  very  small  Mould  Shott 
6  blew  &  white  Stone  Cham- 
ber Potts 

3  pint  stone  Mugs 

6  Qut.  Do.  Do.     3  Pottle 

Do.  Do. 

100  Squares  best  Window 

Glass  1 1  by  9 
15  lb.  Putty 
20  lb.  of  the  best  kind  of 

Turnep  Seed 

1-2  Bushel  of  Rape  Seed- 
I   dozn.  Hair  Sifters  - 
[The  following]  of  Mr.  Didsy. 

pr.  Letter. 

I  pr.  dble.  Campaign  Boots 
I  pr.     Do.         Do.     Shoes 
I  pr.  strg.  Calfskin  Slippers 
6  pr.  Bla:  Callima.  pumps 

20th.  July  1767. 


I  Great  Coat  &c.  pr.  Lettr. 
to  Mr.  Lawrence 

[The  following]  to  be  bought 
of  Mr.  Shelbury. 

I  Handsome  Minioset  Cap 
Propr.  to  wear  with  a  Sacque  & 
Coat  by  a  Person  abt.  35  yr.  of 
Age  -  Not  to  be  a  fly  Cap  nor  to 
exceed  a  Guinea 

I  Do.  propr.  to  wear  with  a 
Night  Gown  by  Do.  &  to  cost 
only  15/. 

4  yds.  fine  Mint.  Lace  a  6/. 
for  an  Apn. 

4  dble.  Muslin  Hand.  n.  bor- 
ders a  4/. 

I  Black  Barcela.  Handkerchf. 

12  yds  Fashe.  trimg.  for  a 
White' Silk 

6  Skeleton  wires 

12  ps.  fine  french  Tape 

1  ps.  fine  Kenting  a  50/. 

2  ps.  Hanover  Lace  a  3d. 
8  yds.  blew  3d.  Ribbon 

8  Do.  Green  3d.  Do.- 8  Do. 
Lay  lock  Do. . 

2  Trunks  exactly  of  ye.  fol- 
lowing Dimns.  One  of  them  two 
feet  6  inchs.  long  -  i  foot  wide  — 
&  10  inchs.  deep -The  other  to 
be  two  feet  6  Inches  long- 18 
inchs.  wide  -  &  of  the  same  depth 
-  Both  to  be  made  of  Sealskin  or 
Strong  Leather,  to  have  strg. 
Locks,  be  well  secured  with 
Straps,  trap  Plates,  &  Nails  &  G 
W  marked  in  the  middle -to 
have  Oil  Cloth  Covers.- 

Go.  Washington. 


PLANTATION  SUPPLIES  299 

3     FLOUR,  CODFISH  AND  VEGETABLES  FROM  THE 

NORTH 

Baton  Rouge   (La.)    Gazette,  Oct  21,  1826.     Clipping  from  a  Natchez 
newspaper. 

Apples  and  Irish  potatoes  are  good  things.  We  have 
had  good  things  in  Natchez  for  the  last  week -Cod 
fish  and  potatoes,  with  drawn  butter  and  eggs ;  and  ap- 
ples raw,  and  apple-dumplings,  and  apple-pies,  and 
baked  apples,  and  roast  potatoes,  and  potatoes  boiled, 
and  hash  with  potatoes  in  it,  .  .  .  besides  fresh 
flour,  and  sundry  other  fresh  articles,  for  which  we  are 
annually  indebted  to  the  father  of  rivers,  and  one  of  his 
elder  boys ;  all  these  things  have  presented  themselves 
to  our  delightful  palates  within  the  last  few  days.  -  It  is 
unnecessary  to  say  that  the  Mississippi  has  risen,  and  is 
still  rising;  and  it  will  not  influence  Dame  Fortune  or 
her  daughter  Miss  F.  Whether  we  wish  high  or  wish 
low.  -  Sufficient  for  the  day  are  the  good  things  thereof. 

4    CAUSE  OF  THE  HIGH  RATES  OF  PLANTERS' 
SUPPLIES 

"Diary  of  Edward  Hooker  1805-1808"  [South  Carolina],  in  American 
Historical  Association's  Report  for  1896,  859. 

Saturday,  Nov.  i6th.  .  .  Inquiring  the  reason 
why  European  goods  are  sold  so  much  higher  in  this 
state  than  at  the  Northward,  I  was  informed  that  the 
Merchants  of  Carolina  are  less  punctual,  and  more  fre- 
quently bankrupts  -  that  the  planters  have  money  only 
once  a  year,  viz.  after  selling  their  crops,  -  and  of  course 
the  merchants  trust  a  great  deal.     .     . 


300  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

5     DEARTH  OF  SHOPS  INCONVENIENT 

"Extracts  from  the  Dairy  of  Col.  Landon  Carter,"  in  William  and  Mary 
College  Quarterly,  vol.  xiii,  47  and  158,  and  vol.  xiv,  42-43  and  183. 

March  24,  1770.  I  can  borrow  no  candles  at  Bever- 
ley's &,  if  Thompson's  purchase  from  Norfolk  don't 
come  up  soon,  we  must  be  contented  to  sit  in  the  dark, 
which  I  get  by  lending  candles  myself.  Mr.  Carter,  of 
Corotoman,  had  two  boxes  containing  better  than  5 
gross.  Mr.  Parker  had  some  dozen,  but  these  are  gen- 
tlemen who  only  think  of  favors  when  they  want 
them.     .     . 

January  26,  1771.  Yesterday  sent  Sam  on  foot  to 
Rippon  Hall,  and  so  to  Town  to  get  subscription  Papers 
printed  for  the  establishing  a  Store  to  accommodate  the 
planter  with  goods  above  50  [per]  cent  than  he  has  yet 
bought  them  at.     .     . 

May  2,  1774.  Billy  Beale  gone  with  my  cart  to  fetch 
my  goods  from  Lewis'  at  Monday's  Point.  In  this  af- 
fair Major  Mottison,  as  they  call  him,  has  shewed  him- 
self just  such  another  hypocritical  fellow  as  his  brother 
William ;  promising  services,  and  even  boasting  of  them, 
but  so  far  from  performing  as  even  to  do  injuries  in  their 
stead.  This  monster  was  over  solicitous  to  send  these 
goods  to  my  own  Landing,  tho'  I  only  desired  him  to 
land  where  he  pleased  and  let  me  know  when.  And  in- 
stead of  doing  one  thing  that  he  promised,  he  has  landed 
them  as  far  as  they  could  be  landed  from  me  without 
sending  out  of  the  ship's  way,  and  never  so  much  as  send- 
ing me  word  when  or  where  they  were  landed ;  and  after 
five  or  six  weeks  I  by  accident  have  heard  where  they 
were,  and  I  suppose  they  may  have  been  Pillaged.  Ras- 
cals indeed! 


PLANTATION  SUPPLIES  301 

6    COMPLAINTS  AGAINST  FACTORS,  FOREIGN  AND 

LOCAL 

(a)  Letter  of  George  Washington,  August,  1770,  to  his  London  fac- 
tors. MS.  copy  in  George  Washington's  handwriting  in  the  Library 
of  Congress,  George  Washington  Papers,  vol.  xvii,  48-49. 

August  1770. 
To  -  Robert  Gary  Esqr.  &  Co.,  Mercht.  in  London. 
Gentn:  This  Letter  accompanies  my  Invoices  for 
Potomack  and  York  Rivers  as  also  Mr.  &  Miss.  Custis's 
-  Agreeable  to  the  several  Orders  therein  containd  you 
will  please  to  dispatch  the  Goods  &  by  the  first  Ships 
bound  to  the  respective  Rivers -Those  for  Potomack 
will  come  I  hope  by  a  more  careful  hand  than  the  last 
did  as  I  neither  receivd  the  Goods  nor  Letters  by 
Captn.  Saunderson  till  the  middle  of  June  nor  coud  ever 
discover  in  what  Ship  -  by  what  Captn.  -  or  to  what 
part  of  the  Country  they  came  (the  duplicate  by  Peter- 
son giving  no  insight  into  any  of  these  matters  but  left 
me  in  full  belief  that  the  Ship  was  lost  as  such  a  length 
of  time  had  elapsd  between  the  date  of  your  Letter  and 
the  receipt  of  it)  -  In  short  I  do  not  know  to  this  hour 
how  the  Goods  came  to  this  River  as  it  was  by  Accident 
I  heard  they  were  stored  at  Boyds  hole  about  60  Miles 
from  this  place  and  was  obligd  to  send  for  them  at  my 
own  expence  which  will  often  happen  if  they  are  sent 
into  any  other  River  than  the  one  they  are  destind  to, 
but  why  this  shoud  have  been  the  case  in  the  Instance 
before  us  I  am  at  a  loss  to  guess  as  there  were  two  Ships 
Saild  from  London  to  Potomack  after  Johnstown  did; 
and  a  little  before  or  nearly  the  time  of  the  date  of  your 
letter  by  Saunderson,  to  wit,  Grig  in  the  service  of 
MoUeson  and  Walker  belonging  to  Debert's,  Lee,  & 
Sayre. 
When  I  opened  the  Packages  a  piece  of  Duf!ield 


302  AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

chargd  £4.  13s  was  found  eaten  to  a  honey  comb  (by 
Moth)  -Whether  this  was  the  effect  of  long  lying  or 
carelessness  of  the  Woolen  Draper  I  shall  not  undertake 
to  determine  but  certain  it  is,  that  I  shall  not  be  able  to 
get  a  single  Garment  out  of  the  whole  piece  -  By  Mer- 
chants more  accustomd  to  ye  importation  of  Goods  than 
I  am,  I  have  been  told  that  it  must  have  been  packd 
up  in  the  order  I  receivd  it,  as  there  is  no  such  thing 
as  Moths  eating  in  a  close  Parcel  -  If  this  really  was  the 
case,  it  is  a  species  of  Dealing  which  does  not  reflect 
much  honr.  upon  the  reputation  of  Messr.  Mauduit 
Wright  &  Co. 

By  Captn.  Peterson  I  have  Shipd  you  32  hhds.  of 
Mr.  Custis's  Tobo.  and  all  mine  consisting  of  17  more, 
the  Sales  of  which  I  hope  and  flatter  myself  will  be 
equal  to  other  Tobacco's  made  in  the  same  Neighbour- 
hood ;  but  which  give  me  leave  to  add,  has  not  been  the 
case  hitherto  notwithstanding  you  seem  to  think  that 
I  cannot  be  otherwise  than  pleased  with  the  last  Acct. 
you  rendered. 

That  II  i-2d.  a  lb.  is  such  a  price  as  a  Planter  (in  a 
tolerable  good  year)  may  afford  to  make  Tobacco  for,  I 
shall  not  deny;  but  it  does  not  follow  as  a  consequence 
that  I  should  be  satisfied  therewith  in  behalf  of  myself 
&  Ward  when  a  Succession  of  short  Crops  have  given  a 
Universal  start  to  Tobo.  and  when  I  know  (if  the  verac- 
ity of  some  Gentlemen  with  whom  I  conversed  at  Wil- 
liamsburg when  I  was  down  there  last  is  to  be  credited) 
that  other  Crops  made  in  York  &  James  City  Counties 
not  six  miles  from  Mr.  Custis's  Plantation  &  mine  have 
sold  at  i2d.  &  12  1-2  p.  lb;  and  the  common  transfer 
Tobo.  a  large  proportion  of  which  we  pay  towards  the 
support  of  a  Minister  in  York  County,  when  prizd  and 
Shipd  to  London  fetchd  i2d  so,  and  what  reason  can  be 


PLANTATION  SUPPLIES  303 

assignd  then  for  my  being  pleasd  with  i id  &  11  1-2 
(averaging  about  £12  a  hhd.)  when  the  commonest 
Arronoko  Tobo.  fetchd  this  in  evry  Port  in  Great 
Britain  I  know  not;  as  it  is  by  someone  presumable,  that 
the  Tobacco  which  Mr.  Valentine  now  makes,  &  Stems 
a  fourth  or  a  third  of  in  order  to  make  it  good,  shoud  be 
of  Inferior  quality  to  the  general  run  of  purchasd  To- 
baco.,  or  worse  than  that  which  he  himself  has  applied 
to  the  payment  of  the  Minister's  Salery;  to  do  which, 
and  to  answer  all  other  Publick  Claims  it  is  well  known 
that  the  most  indifferent  of  our  (Inspected)  Tobo.  is 
always  appropriated- Upon  the  whole,  the  repeated 
disappointments  which  I  meat  with  has  reduced  me  to 
a  delemma  which  I  am  not  very  well  reconcild  to  -  To 
decline  a  Correspondance  either  altogether  or  in  part 
which  has  subsisted  for  so  many  years  is  by  no  means 
my  Inclination;  and  to  persevere  in  a  Consignment 
which  seems  to  lend  to  the  prejudice  of  myself  and 
Ward,  not  only  in  the  Sales  of  our  Tobacco,  but  the  pur- 
chase of  Goods,  is  hardly  to  be  expected. 

That  my  Goods  are  for  the  most  part  exceedingly  dear 
bought  and  the  directions  which  are  given  for  the  choice 
of  Particular  Articles  not  always  attended  to,  I  have  no 
scruples  in  declaring -The  first  is  no  otherwise  to  be 
proved  than  by  a  comparison  of  the  prices  &  quality - 
The  second  is  to  be  evincd  by  numberless  instances,  two 
of  which  I  shall  give  as  the  most  recent  and  Important  - 
Having  occasion  for  Window  Glass  for  a  House  I  was 
building  I  sent  for  my  quantity  9  by  11;  and  got  it  in 
8  by  10 -this  was  a  considerable  disappointment,  &  no 
small  disadvantage  to  me,  but  not  equal  to  the  one  that 
followd  upon  the  Heels  of  it:  I  mean  the  Chariot,  which 
I  begd  might  be  made  of  well  seasond  materials,  and 
by  a  masterly  Workman ;  instead  of  which,  it  was  made 


304  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

of  wood  so  exceedingly  Green  that  the  Pannels  slipd  out 
of  the  mouldings  before  it  was  two  months  in  use  -  Split 
from  one  end  to  the  other  -  and  became  so  open  at  the 
joints,  tho  every  possible  care  was  taken  of  it,  that  I  ex- 
pect very  little  further  Service  from  it  with  all  the 
Repairs  I  can  bestow. 

Besides  this  we  frequently  have  slight  goods  &  some- 
times old  &  unsaleable  articles  put  of  upon  us,  and  at 
such  advanced  Prices  that  one  would  be  Inclind  to  think 
the  Tradesmen  did  not  expect  to  be  paid  in  part  for 
them ;  for  it  is  a  fact  incontestably  true  that  Linnens  & 
other  Articles  that  have  their  prices  proportiond  to 
their  respective  qualities,  are  to  be  bought  in  the  Factors 
Stores  here  almost  as  cheap  as  we  Import  them,  after  the 
Merchant  has  laid  on  a  sufficient  advance  for  his  profit  - 
Disagreeable  it  is  to  me  to  mention  these  things  to  you, 
but  when  it  is  considered  that  my  own  dealings  are  con- 
find  wholly,  &  my  Wards  principally  to  your  House,  it 
is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  I  shoud  be  dissatisfied  with 
ill  bought  Goods,  or  a  more  indifft.  price  for  Tobo.  than 
is  given  to  my  Neighbours. 

I  am  very  glad  that  by  meeting  with  Colo.  Stewart 
you  have  got  quit  of  the  troublesome  Doctr.  McLean  - 
the  Nett  sum  of  £302  I  shoud  have  been  very  well  con- 
tent to  have  received,  as  I  lent  this  money  to  that  Gen- 
tleman to  be  returnd  or  not,  as  it  suited  his  convenience; 
never  expecting  or  desiring  a  farthing  of  Interest  for 
the  use  of  it. 

You  will  perceive  in  looking  over  the  several  Invoices 
that  some  of  the  Goods  there  required,  are  upon  con- 
dition that  the  Act  of  Parliament  Imposing  a  Duty  upon 
Tea,  Paper  &c.  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  Revenue 
in  America  is  totally  repeald ;  &  I  beg  the  favour  of  you 
to  be  governd  strictly  thereby,  as  it  will  not  be  in  my 


PLANTATION  SUPPLIES  305 

power  to  receive  any  Articles  contrary  to  our  Non-Im- 
portation Agreement  to  which  I  have  Subscribe!,  &  shall 
Religiously  adhere  to,  if  it  was,  as  I  coud  wish  it  to  be, 
ten  times  as  strict.  I  am  Gentn.  Yr.  Most  Hble.  Servt. 
Mount  Vernon,  Augt.  20th.  1770.    Go.  Washington. 

(b)  Extract  from  a  letter  of  George  Mason,  from  his  estate,  Gunston 
Hall,  on  the  Potomac  River,  May  22,  1792,  to  his  son  John  at  Norfolk, 
Va.  Rowland,  K.  M.  Life  of  George  Mason  (New  York,  1892), 
vol.  ii,  357-358- 

.  .  .  As  I  shall  forward  this  letter  by  the  first  post, 
I  am  in  hopes  it  will  find  you  in  Norfolk,  and  shall 
therefore  trouble  you  with  the  execution  of  a  piece  of 
business  there,  which  though  at  first  a  trifle,  is  by  the  un- 
expected delay  I  have  met  with  in  it,  now  become  an 
object  of  considerable  importance  to  me.  I  wanted  a 
few,  a  hundred  feet  of  cypress  scantling  for  the  columns, 
rails,  ballusters  &c  of  the  piazzas  and  steps  to  your 
brother  Thomson's  house.  None  of  this  scantling  being 
large,  it  might,  I  dare  say  at  any  time  have  been  pro- 
cured in  a  fortnight,  if  attention  had  been  paid  to  it. 
About  this  time  twelve  month  or  sooner,  I  wrote  to  Mr. 
John  Brent  and  enclosed  him  an  exact  bill  of  this  scant- 
ling and  at  the  same  time  a  memorandum  of  a  large 
quantity  of  shingles  I  wanted,  and  desiring  to  know  if 
they  could  be  got  at  Norfolk  so  as  to  be  landed  here  in 
the  course  of  last  summer  or  fall.  I  limited  the  price  of 
the  shingles,  but  as  the  quantity  of  cypress  scantling  was 
small  I  limited  no  price  to  that,  but  desired  Mr.  Brent 
to  have  it  got  as  soon  as  he  could,  and  sent  up  by  the  first 
vessel  to  Potomac  river,  to  be  landed  about  five  or  six 
miles  below  Alexandria,  just  at  the  upper  end  of  Gen- 
eral Washington's  estate,  and  a  very  little  below  the 
large  Pocorson,  that  runs  from  the  mouth  of  Great 
Hunting  Creek  two  or  three  miles  down  the  river.  Mr. 
Brent  wrote  me  that  the  shingles  could  not  be  procured 


3o6  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

at  the  price  I  had  limited,  but  that  I  might  depend  upon 
the  scantling's  being  immediately  got  and  sent  up  by  the 
first  vessel,  at  all  events  in  the  course  of  the  summer 
(viz. :  last  summer) .  It  not  coming,  I  have  wrote  re- 
peatedly to  Mr.  Brent,  twice  this  spring  per  post,  but 
have  had  no  answer.  The  captain  of  the  packet  from 
Alexandria  to  Norfolk  was  desired  to  speak  to  Mr. 
Brent  about  it.  Mr.  Brent  told  him  the  scantling  was 
got,  but  had  not  been  brought  to  Norfolk  but  that  it 
should  be  at  Norfolk,  ready  for  the  packet  when  she 
came  down  the  next  trip.  The  next  trip  the  same  excuse 
was  made  and  the  same  promise  repeated.  In  short  I 
find  Mr.  Brent  so  careless  and  inattentive  a  man  that  no 
dependence  or  confidence  can  be  placed  in  him.  When 
the  packet  was  at  Alexandria  some  time  ago  your 
brother  Thomson  gave  the  captain  a  bill  of  this  scant- 
ling, and  desired  the  captain  if  when  he  went  next  to 
Norfolk  Mr.  Brent  had  not  the  scantling  then  ready  for 
him  to  depend  no  longer  upon  him,  but  to  have  the 
scantling  got  and  brought  to  Norfolk  himself  and  bring 
it  up  with  him.  The  packet  went  from  Alexandria  a 
few  days  ago,  and  is  now,  I  suppose,  at  Norfolk,  where 
perhaps  she  may  continue  some  time.  I  have  lately  got 
all  the  shingles,  which  with  all  the  weather  boarding 
are  ready  to  put  up.  The  house  will  be  raised  next  week, 
and  I  am  in  danger  of  having  the  building  stopped, 
and  half  a  dozen  workmen  upon  my  hands,  doing 
nothing,  for  want  of  this  small  quantity  of  cypress  scant- 
ling, without  which  the  piazzas  can't  be  raised.  What 
I  have  therefore  to  beg  of  you  is  to  inquire  immediately 
of  Mr.  Brent  and  the  captain  of  the  packet,  and  if 
neither  of  them  have  already  had  the  scantling  got  that 
you  will  endeavor  to  have  it  got  with  all  possible  expedi- 
tion, and  sent  up  by  the  packet  now  there,  or  if  this  can't 


PLANTATION  SUPPLIES  307 

be  done,  by  the  packet  next  trip,  or  by  any  other  vessel 
which  may  happen  to  be  coming  to  Alexandria  soon. 

7    AN  EFFICIENT  FACTOR  AND  BROKER  IN 
CHARLESTON 

Advertisement  of  his  business  by  Abraham  Seixas,  in  the  South  Carolina 
State  Gazette,  Sept.  6,  1784.  Reprinted  by  B.  A.  Elzas.  The  Jews 
of  South  Carolina,  129,  130. 

ABRAHAM  SEIXAS, 
All  so  gracious. 
Once  again  does  offer 
His  service  pure 
For  to  secure 
Money  in  the  coffer. 

He  has  for  sale 

Some  negroes,  male. 

Will  suit  full  well  grooms, 

He  has  likewise 

Some  of  their  wives 

Can  make  clean,  dirty  rooms. 

For  planting  too, 

He  has  a  few 

To  sell,  all  for  the  cash. 

Of  various  price. 

To  work  the  rice. 

Or  bring  them  to  the  lash. 

The  young  ones  true. 

If  that  will  do. 

May  some  be  had  of  him 

To  learn  your  trade 

They  may  be  made. 

Or  bring  them  to  your  trim. 


3o8  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

The  boatmen  great, 

Will  you  elate 

They  are  so  brisk  and  free; 

What  e'er  you  say, 

They  will  obey, 

If  you  buy  them  of  me. 

He  also  can 

Suit  any  man 

With  land  all  o'er  the  state; 

A  bargain  sure, 

they  may  procure 

If  they  dont  stay  too  late. 

For  papers  he 

Will  sure  agree, 

Bond,  note  or  publick  debt; 

To  sell  the  same 

If  with  good  name 

And  buyer  can  be  met. 

To  such  of  those 

As  will  dispose 

He  begs  to  them  to  tell; 

By  note  or  Phiz, 

What  e'er  it  is 

That  they  have  got  to  sell. 

He  surely  will 

Try  all  his  skill 

To  sell,  for  more  or  less, 

The  articles 

Of  beaux  and  belles, 

That  they  to  him  address. 


VI.    PLANTATION  VICISSITUDES 

I     LOSSES  BY  DISEASE  AND  ACCIDENTS  AMONG  THE 

SLAVES 

(a)  Journal  and  Letters  of  Eliza  Lucas  (Wormsloe,  1850),  16.  Ex- 
tract from  a  letter  of  March  15,  1760,  from  a  plantation  near  Charles- 
ton. 

.  .  .  A  great  cloud  seems  at  present  to  hang  over 
this  province  we  are  continually  insulted  by  the  Indians 
in  our  back  settlements  and  a  violent  kind  of  small  pox 
rages  in  Ch"  Town  that  almost  puts  a  stop  to  all  busi- 
ness sev^  of  those  I  have  to  transact  business  with  are 
fled  into  the  country  but  by  the  Divine  Grace  I  hope  a 
month  or  two  will  change  the  prospect,  we  expect 
shortly  troops  from  General  Amherst  w"*"  I  trust  will 
be  able  to  manage  these  savage  enemies  and  y^  small 
pox  as  it  does  not  spread  in  y^  Country  must  soon  be 
over  for  want  of  subjects  I  am  now  at  Belmont  to  keep 
my  people  out  of  the  way  of  y^  violent  distemper  for 
the  poor  blacks  have  died  very  fast  even  by  inoculation 
but  the  people  in  Ch"  Town  were  inoculation  mad  I 
think  I  may  well  call  it  and  rushed  into  it  with  such 
precipitation  y*  I  think  it  impossible  they  could  have 
had  either  a  proper  preparation  or  attendance  had  there 
been  lo  Docf^'  in  town  to  i  -  the  Doct"  could  not  help 
it  the  people  would  not  be  said  nay.     .     . 

(b)  Letter  of  Jonas  Smith,  overseer  on  a  plantation  in  central  Georgia, 
Aug.  25,  1852,  to  his  employer.  Col.  J.  B.  Lamar,  Macon,  Ga.  MSS. 
of  this  and  the  three  following  in  the  possession  of  Mrs.  A.  S.  Erwin, 
Athens,  Ga. 

Yours  of  the  17th  came  duly  to  hand  Bringing  nuse 
that  you  had  bin  Sick  &  was  yet  unwell  the  Efifects  of 


3IO  AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

comin  to  Sumpter  So  late  In  the  Season  I  Suppose.  I 
hav  bin  Sick  Since  you  left  hear  myself  twice  about  too 
weeks  but  was  only  confined  on  the  bed  for  4  days  I  am 
up  at  presant  but  not  much  acount  The  Negrowes  on 
this  place  Is  verry  Sickly  &  hav  bin  all  the  while  since 
you  Left  us  &  the  d [is]  eases  Is  growin  wors  all  the  while 
as  well  as  the  attacks  more  numorous  18  on  the  Sick  list 
today  16  of  that  nombr  Field  hands  too  out  of  the  croud 
Bilious  fever  &  very  Bad  caises  the  Ballance  chils  & 
Fevers.  Those  that  are  out  some  of  them  unwell  &  un- 
able to  doo  much  all  of  them  has  Bin  Sick  &  some  of 
them  has  Bin  sick  twice  &  Several  of  them  down  the 
third  time  I  hav  so  much  Rain  that  It  Is  a  hard  mater 
to  get  one  of  them  well  As  Soon  as  one  Gets  out  It 
Rains  on  him  or  he  Is  In  a  large  due  or  in  a  mud  hole  & 
Back  he  comes  again  this  Is  the  way  I'm  getting  on  &  I 
call  this  Rather  Bad  luck  At  least  Getting  on  Slowley 
I  hav  used  2^  Gallons  caster  oile  &  ^  Gallon  Sprts 
turpentine  &  4  ounces  quinine  up  to  the  presant  I  am 
doin  the  best  I  can  with  them  Barron  has  Bin  hear  15 
Times.     .     .     yours  Truly,  JONAS  SMITH. 

P.S.  Since  I  commenced  Riting  4  hands  hav  come 
to  the  house  with  fever  makes  20  field  hands  down.  I 
nearly  hav  a  chill  my  Self. 

(c)     Same  to  same.  Oct.  5,  1852. 

Dear  Sir :  I  a  Gain  Rite  &  will  Inform  you  that  we  are 
all  on  the  Land  of  the  Living  &  all  up  &  Hailing  corn  at 
presant  Except  3  hands  are  sick  some  we  want  to  Get 
done  Geathering  corn  this  week  &  the  crop  of  corn  will 
not  be  a  Large  one  but  enough  to  doo  on  I  Recon  I  hav 
not  Picked  much  cotton  since  I  Rote  last  But  think  that 
I  hav  open  at  this  time  75  Bales  &  am  doing  my  best  to 
Get  to  picking  The  cotton  Is  most  all  open  that  we  shall 
make  this  year    Some  of  my  hogs  are  fine  &  others  not 


PLANTATION  VICISSITUDES  311 

so  fat  they  hav  a  plenty  &  If  they  dont  faten  It  will  be 
ther  fault. 

I  am  behind  with  my  work  But  If  all  stay  at  home  & 
reap  well  we  will  come  on  slowley  after  a  while 

Levi  Is  out  yet  I  hav  not  heard  from  him  Lewis 
wants  to  Go  they  hate  to  work  Badly  I  am  your  obdnt 
Servent 

P.S.  If  you  See  any  man  about  Macon  that  wold 
hire  to  Go  on  ther  plantation  &  Gave  a  Good  price  &  a 
heathy  place  Tell  them  that  I  am  in  the  field  unless  all 
these  things  I  will  doe  nothing. 

(d)     Same  to  same.  Oct.  i8,  1852. 

Dear  Sir :  I  Shall  Rite  Short  as  my  head  Ackes  Badly 
we  hav  fine  weather  at  presant  I  Finished  Geathering 
corn  on  the  9th  of  this  month  &  hav  bin  Geathering  cot- 
ton since  that  time  Since  I  Rote  you  last  We  hav  had 
12  field  hands  sick  &  hav  six  at  presant  &  perhaps  To- 
morrow we  may  hav  10  or  we  may  hav  Three  on  the  sick 
list  as  Some  come  In  others  Go  out  &  under  such  mis- 
fortunes we  hav  to  Labour  we  hav  had  so  much  sick- 
ness that  the  Negrowes  have  become  weak  &  feble  &  Is 
Subject  to  chills  avery  change  of  weather  I  hav  out  48 
or  50  Bales  &  hav  but  Little  Else  to  Doe  now  but  pick 
&  am  d[o]ing  my  Best  &  that  Is  but  little  But  I  hope 
to  Get  along  beter  after  a  litle  as  the  weather  Gets 
cooler.  I  have  300  acres  of  cotton  that  Is  perfectly 
white  &  I  think  on  the  300  acres  that  ther  must  be  20 
Bales  on  the  Ground  Blowed  out  by  a  Storm  on  the  9th 
of  this  month  the  Blow  was  Great  I  cannot  pick  so 
much  since  the  Storm  as  I  cold  hav  done  provided  the 
Storm  had  not  come  My  crop  of  cotton  Is  beter  than 
I  thought  once  It  cold  Ever  bee 

Some  people  Say  my  crop  Is  Good  for  175  Bales  But 
I  must  think  that  Rather  High     prahaps  150  will  be 


312  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

about  the  nomber  There  Is  Rite  Smart  of  the  article 
about  hear  &  If  It  Rains  In  Six  weaks  we  Shall  Loose  a 
Great  Deal  of  that  which  Is  on  the  Ground 

How  wold  It  doo  to  Send  for  help  If  I  had  lo  or 
12  Good  hands  as  we  hav  had  Such  Despert  Luck  In 
the  way  of  Sicness 

I  can  Geather  the  crop  But  not  In  time  150  or  60  Is 
as  much  as  I  Ever  Saived  By  Christmas  &  cannot  Save 
any  more  I  hav  Lost  as  much  as  4  weaks  with  20  hands 
this  fall  or  I  Shold  hav  had  out  80  or  90  Bales  by  this 
time 

If  Mr  Buckner  cold  Spare  Some  hands  I  cold  Im- 
ploye  them  profitable  But  you  are  the  best  Judge  of 
these  things. 

(e)     Letter  of  Stancil  Barwick,  overseer  on  a  plantation  near  Americus, 
Ga.,  July  15,  1855,  to  his  employer,  Col,  J.  B.  Lamar,  Macon,  Ga. 

Dear  Sir:  I  received  your  letter  on  yesterday  ev'ng 
was  vary  sorry  to  hear  that  you  had  heard  that  I  was 
treating  your  Negroes  so  cruely.  Now  sir  I  do  say  to 
you  in  truth  that  the  report  is  false  thear  is  no  truth  in 
it.  No  man  nor  set  of  men  has  ever  seen  me  mistreat  one 
of  the  Negroes  on  the  Place.  Now  as  regards  the  wimin 
loosing  children,  treaty  lost  one  it  is  true.  I  never  heard 
of  her  being  in  that  way  until  she  lost  it.  She  was  at  the 
house  all  the  time,  I  never  made  her  do  any  work  at  all. 
She  said  to  me  in  the  last  month  that  she  did  not  know 
she  was  in  that  way  her  self  untill  she  lost  the  child.  As 
regards  Louisine  she  was  in  the  field  it  is  true  but  she 
was  workt  as  she  please.  I  never  said  a  word  to  her  in 
any  way  at  all  untill  she  com  to  me  in  the  field  and  said 
she  was  sick.  I  told  her  to  go  home.  She  started  an  on 
the  way  she  miscarried.  She  was  about  five  months 
gone.  This  is  the  true  statement  of  case.  Now  sir  a  pon 
my  word  an  honnor  I  have  tride  to  carry  out  your  wishes 


PLANTATION  VICISSITUDES  313 

as  near  as  I  possibly  could  doo.  Ever  since  I  have  been 
on  the  place  I  have  not  been  to  three  neighbours  houses 
since  I  have  been  hear  I  com  hear  to  attend  to  my  Busi- 
niss  I  have  done  it  faithfully  the  reports  that  have  been 
sent  must  have  been  carried  from  this  Place  by  Negroes 
the  fact  is  I  have  made  the  Negro  men  work  an  made 
them  go  strait  that  is  what  is  the  matter  an  is  the  reason 
why  that  my  Place  is  talk  of  the  settlement.  I  have 
found  among  the  Negro  men  two  or  three  hard  cases  an 
I  have  had  to  deal  rite  Ruff  but  not  cruly  at  all.  Among 
them  Abram  has  been  as  triflin  as  any  man  on  the  place. 
Now  sir  what  I  have  wrote  you  is  truth  an  it  cant  be  dis- 
puted by  no  man  on  earth. 

N.B.  As  regards  my  crop  of  corn  I  think  I  will 
make  a  plenty  to  doo  the  Place  next  year  my  cotton  is 
injured  by  the  wate  weather  an  lice  the  weed  is  large 
enough  but  nothing  on  it.  I  will  [be]  done  working 
it  a  week  or  ten  days  from  this  time. 

(f )  Letter  of  Stephen  Newman,,  overseer  of  Thorn  Island  Plantation, 
Screven  County,  Ga.,  Feb.  28,  1837,  to  his  employer,  Miss  Mary 
Telfair,  Savannah.  MSS.  of  this  and  the  two  following  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  Georgia  Historical  Society,  trustee  for  the  Telfair 
Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  Savannah. 

Since  riting  to  Mrs  Haig  on  the -22 -of  this  inst 
I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  24  -  inst  -  and  your 
direction  to  remove  York  and  his  daughter  was  imme- 
diately complide  with.  I  am  Sorry  to  say  that  your 
woman,  Eave,  is  very  sick  with  the  pluracy- 1  have  but 
little  hopes  of  her  recovery  -  however  the  Doct  say  if  she 
lives  -  2  -  days  longer  he  will  have  a  hope  of  her  recov- 
ery - 1  would  recommend  you  to  have  all  the  Negroes 
removed  to  the  Mills  [another  plantation  owned  by 
Miss  Telfair  in  the  adjacent  county  of  Burke]  where  it 
is  more  healthy -with  the  Stock  &c-and  the  land  is 
more  adapted  to  the  culture  of  Corn  and  Cotton,  for  if 


314  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

you  will  examine  the  Journal  of  the  years  work  you  will 
see  from  the  great  loss  of  time  from  Sickness  and  the 
deaths  of  so  many  fine  Negroes  that  there  can  be  but 
very  little  profit  made  at  the  Thornisland  plantation  - 
if  the  Negroes  all  worked  at  the  Mills  the  profits  would 
be  greater  and  the  expense  less.  We  have  had  a  spell  of 
very  cold  bad  wet  weather  and  the  greater  part  of  the 
plantation  inundated  with  water  -  which,  I  think,  is  the 
cause  of  its  being  so  very  Sickly  your  umble  sert 

Stephen  Newman. 
I  have  kept  the  houses  all  repaired  and  well  washed 
out  with  lime  -  the  Spring  of  Water  where  they  all  use 
out  of  is  in  fine  condition  with  every  thing  else  to  pro- 
mote health  -  But  to  prevent  Sickness  and  Death  I  can- 
not -  but  truly  sorry  for  the  loss  -  Doct  Bailey  in  our 
neighbourhood  has  lost  six  with  the  same  complaint  and 
I  have  lost  one  and  have  four  under  the  nurse. 

(g)  Extract  from  a  letter  of  Elisha  Cain,  overseer  on  Retreat  Planta- 
tion, Jefferson  County,  Ga.,  Jan.  i6,  1830,  to  his  employer,  Alexander 
Telfair,  Savannah. 

I  have  generly  attended  the  sick  on  this  Plantation 
with  as  good  success  as  I  could  expect  and  have  been  so 
fortunate  as  to  keep  clear  of  the  Doctors  bills  this  two 
years  but  your  Negros  have  a  disease  now  a  mong  them 
that  I  am  fully  at  a  Loss  to  know  what  I  had  best  to  do. 
Two  of  them  are  down  with  the  venereal  disease,  Die 
and  Sary.  Doctor  Jenkins  has  been  attending  Die  four 
weeks  and  very  Little  alteration  as  I  can  Learn.  It  is 
very  hard  to  get  the  truth  but  from  what  I  can  learn 
Sary  got  it  from  Friday.  I  have  got  Mr.  B  rough  ton 
now  to  Doctor  them  that  are  yet  to  take  it  as  I  have  been 
informed  he  is  a  ver}^  good  hand. 

[At  the  foot  of  the  letter  is  the  following  note,  writ- 
ten in  a  contemporary  hand,  with  an  illegible  signature, 
probably  by  Alexander  Telfair] 


PLANTATION  VICISSITUDES  315 

Friday  is  the  House  Servant  sent  to  Retreat  every 
summer.  ITiave  all  the  servants  examined  before  they 
leave  Savannah. 

(h)  Letter  of  J.  N.  Bethea,  overseer  of  Retreat  Plantation,  Jefferson 
County,  Ga.,  May  i,  1859,  to  his  employer,  W.  B.  Hodgson,  Savan- 
nah. 

Mrs.  Baily  came  up  this  evening  to  see  Coteler.  She 
says  that  she  thinks  that  Coteler  can  be  cured  and  she 
is  willing  to  try  her  which  she  would  not  do  if  she  did 
not  think  the  woman  could  be  cured.  She  wants  Coteler 
at  her  house  where  she  can  give  her  constant  attention. 
She  thinks  that  good  nursing  is  very  essential  in  her 
case.  She  also  wishes  to  feed  her  with  such  nourishment 
as  she  thinks  will  suit  her  case  thinks  that  such  as  we 
feed  with  too  heavy  a  diet.  She  speaks  of  curing  cases 
which  she  thought  equally  as  bad  but  probably  not  of 
such  long  standing.  She  thinks  $20  too  little  for  curing 
the  woman,  of  course  she  will  charge  something  for 
feeding  her.  I  tride  to  draw  out  of  her  what  she  would 
charge  for  her  nourishments,  as  she  termes  it,  but  she 
said  that  she  had  not  thought  of  that  matter  and  could 
not  make  any  charge  then.  She  will  not  take  hold  in  the 
way  your  propose  (no  cure  no  pay)  but  says  she  is  will- 
ing to  do  her  best  on  her  and  then  be  paid  for  what  she 
has  done.  The  boy  who  goes  with  her  would  carry  his 
provisions  and  be  at  no  expe[n]ce.  (Coteler's  Boy  who 
would  go  to  wait  on  his  mother) . 

(i)     Federal  Union   (Milledgeville,  Ga.),  Sept.  17,  1834.     News  item. 

Cholera  in  Savannah.  -  Letters  from  Savannah  by 
last  evening's  mail,  state  on  the  seventh  instant,  that 
there  was  an  amelioration  of  the  disease  on  Major 
Wightman's  plantation.  The  following  is  an  extract  of 
a  letter  from  the  overseer  to  the  agent  in  this  city:  -  "I 
am  sorry  to  state  that  the  Cholera  rages,  but  not  so  vio- 


3i6  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

lent  as  at  first  -  many  of  the  cases  are  very  moderate  and 
easily  subdued  -  a  few  are  violent  as  at  first  -  one  woman 
died  last  night,  after  four  hours  sickness.  It  is  unneces- 
sary to  move  the  negroes  to  the  pine  land,  as  one  old  man 
who  stayed  there  was  attacked,  went  out  of  the  house 
and  was  found  at  his  last  gasp  in  three  or  four  hours 
afterwards  -  but  I  have  distributed  the  negroes  about  in 
the  church,  barns,  mills  etc.  and  have  taken  every  meas- 
ure to  prevent  them  from  taking  the  disease,  Between 
that  and  the  plantation  there  has  been  no  communica- 
tion except  myself  going  to  see  them,  and  an  old  fellow 
who  carries  milk  to  the  children.  The  man  who  died 
had  not  been  at  the  plantation  for  three  months. 

The  reports  of  the  negroes  having  eaten  rotten  corn, 
putrid  meat,  etc.  are  all  without  foundation,  as  they  are 
well  fed  with  sound  provisions,  and  are  supplied  with 
good  water.  A  committee  of  physicians  from  Savan- 
nah, have  visited  the  plantation,  and  expressed  their  sat- 
isfaction at  the  appearance  of  the  provisions. 

The  total  number  of  cases  amounts  to  fifty-three,  out 
of  which  eighteen  have  died. 

(j)     Federal    Union,    Sept.  14,  1834.     Clipping    from    the    Charleston 
Courier.    News  item  dated  Savannah,  Sept,  9. 

The  Cholera  has  spread  in  every  direction.  Of  the 
sufferers,  Mr.  Merchant  is  in  proportion  to  the  num- 
ber of  hands,  the  greatest.  On  Mr.  J.  P.  Williamson's 
Swamp  plantation,  three  were  taken  on  Sunday,  and  all 
died.  He  has  abandoned  his  crops  at  Clifton,  and 
moved  to  his  pine  lands,  leaving  six  at  Clifton  too  ill  to 
be  removed.  It  is  now  at  Barclay's  Gordon's,  Potter's, 
Young's  and  in  fact  on  almost  every  plantation  on  the 
River  as  low  down  as  Mr.  Petigru's.  A  letter  says,  the 
state  of  things  at  Mr.  Merchant's  is  awful  indeed.  The 
person  in  charge  is  complaining  that  he  cannot  attend 


PLANTATION  VICISSITUDES  317 

to  all  the  sick.  In  nearly  every  case  that  has  proved 
fatal,  the  people  became  cold  and  pulseless  in  one  or 
two  hours.  At  Brampton,  eight  cases,  since  Monday, 
two  extremely  ill.  God  only  knows  what  is  best  to  be 
done.  I  have  just  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Sharpe, 
stating  three  deaths  to-day,  with  many  severe  cases.  He 
has  commenced  moving  Mr.  Potter's  people. 

(k)     Red  River  Republican   (Alexandria,  La.),  Aug.   3,  1850.     News 
item. 

The  Cholera  at  Pointe  Coupee.  -  We  regret,  says  the 
Pointe  Coupee  Echo  of  the  20th.  ult.,  that  our  duty  to 
the  community,  as  a  public  journalist,  compels  us  to 
announce  the  appearance  of  the  Cholera  in  our  Parish; 
eighteen  or  twenty  cases  have  occurred  of  a  fatal  char- 
acter on  the  plantation  of  the  late  Colonel  Charles 
Morgan,  and  two  on  that  of  Mr.  Louis  Porche. 

(1)     Red  River  Republican  (Alexandria,  La.),  March  i6,  1850.    News 
item. 

Inundated.  Owing  to  a  break  in  the  levee  on  the 
Mississippi,  a  considerable  portion  of  the  lands  on  the 
Ouachita,  Tensas,  Little  and  Black  Rivers  have  been 
inundated.  That  portion  of  the  country  has  for  several 
years  escaped  all  the  casualties  that  other  portions  of  the 
State  have  been  more  or  less  afflicted  with.  It  has  en- 
joyed almost  uninterrupted  health,  and  generally  pro- 
duced the  finest  cotton  crops  in  the  State,  neither  high 
water  nor  any  other  cause  interfering  to  prevent  its  fer- 
tile fields  from  yielding  a  rich  harvest.  But  its  turn  has 
come,  and  from  being  the  most  favored,  it  has  now  be- 
come the  most  afflicted  portion  of  the  State.  The  Chol- 
era and  high  water  have  both  visited  it  this  season. 

The  town  of  Trinity,  situated  at  the  junction  of  the 
above  rivers,  has  suffered  severely  from  the  Cholera. 
The  Advocate,  published  there,  gives  the  names  of  the 


31 8  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

following  persons  who  in  a  few  days  fell  victims  to  the 
awful  scourge:  A.  J.  Barr,  James  Hagan,  Reuben  T. 
Thoms,  Wm.  Guice,  John  Ronton,  Mrs.  Martha  Ron- 
ton, his  wife,  and  Miss  J.  A.  Ronton,  their  daughter. 
The  Advocate  after  stating  that  the  ravages  of  the  dis- 
ease is  now  stayed,  sadly  adds: 

"In  addition  to  the  awful  visitation  that  has  shrouded 
our  lately  thriving  and  lively  town  in  woe,  we  are  nearly 
overflowed  by  high  water,  and  have  before  us  the  dark 
and  gloomy  prospect  of  a  complete  inundation.  The 
river  is  nearly  as  high  now  as  it  was  in  '44,  and  none 
doubt  but  that  it  will  be  much  higher. 

The  pictures  of  sorrow  and  ruin  are  exhibited  in 
striking  features  to  our  view.  May  He  who  tempers 
the  breeze  to  the  tender  condition  of  incipient  life,  re- 
lieve us  from  the  burthen  of  affliction  that  now  weighs 
heavily  upon  us." 

(ra)  Letter  of  James  Habersham,  Savannah,  Ga.,  July  8,  1772,  to  Wm. 
Knox,  London.  MS.  copy  in  the  possession  of  the  Georgia  Historical 
Society,  printed  in  the  Georgia  Historical  Society's  Collections,  vol. 
vi,   192,   193. 

Dear  Sir:  The  13th  Ultimo  I  wrote  you  a  pretty 
long  Letter,  which  was  forwarded  by  the  Georgia 
Planter  Capt  Inglis,  who  sailed  the  14th  Instant,  since 
which  your  Overseer  (Griffin)  has  been  with  me,  and 
informs  me.  That  on  Tuesday  Evening  the  14th  Instant 
about  8  oclock,  the  chimney  of  the  dwelling  House  at 
Knoxborough  was  struck  with  Lightning,  which 
brought  it  down  even  with  the  Eves  of  the  House,  and 
killed  one  of  the  2  Boys,  last  bought  for  you,  who  was 
near  the  Chimney  -  This  was  a  very  fine  Lad,  and  I  sup- 
pose wou'd  have  sold  for  50  or  £60 -Griffin  with  an 
old  Man  and  Woman  was  just  sitting  down  to  Supper, 
which  was  spoiled  by  the  Room  being  filled  with  Smoak 
and  Dust,  with  which,  as  he  says,  they  were  almost  suf- 


PLANTATION  VICISSITUDES  319 

focated  - 1  am  very  sorry  for  this  Accident,  at  which  I 
hope  and  believe  you  will  not  repine  as  Providence  has 
highly  favoured  you  hitherto  in  the  preservation  of 
your  People  -  Your  Crop  is  in  a  very  flourishing  state, 
I  am  afraid  too  much  so,  as  I  dread  the  Rice  lodging - 
I  have  been  very  busy  in  making  up  Gov:  Wright's 
Accounts,  and  probably  your  Account  may  be  the  next  I 
settle  -  The  Weather  is  extremely  hott,  and  fatigues 
me  very  much.  Doctor  Johnson  has  been  out  to  one  of 
my  Plantations,  and  tells  me,  that  a  most  valuable  Ne- 
gro and  excellent  Planter  named  Jacob,  is  very  ill  and 
he  thinks  he  will  scarcely  recover  his  Attack  of  a  Fever, 
The  fellow  is  my  Driver  at  Dean  Forest,  and  cou'd  I 
preserve  his  Life  I  wou'd  not  take  any  Money  for  him, 
not  even  £150  Sterl'g,  but  I  have  been  used  to  these 
Losses.     .     . 

(n)  Louisiana  Courier  (New  Orleans),  March  3,  1828.  Local  news 
item. 

Yesterday  towards  one  o'clock  P.M.  as  one  of  the  Ferry 
boats  was  crossing  the  river,  with  16  slaves  on  board, 
belonging  to  General  Wade  Hampton,  with  their  bag- 
gage, a  few  rods  distance  from  the  shore,  the  negroes 
being  frightened  by  the  motion  of  the  boat,  all  threw 
themselves  on  the  same  side,  which  caused  the  boat  to 
fill,  and  notwithstanding  the  prompt  assistance  af- 
forded, three  or  four  of  these  unfortunates  perished. 

2    BAD  SEASONS  AND  SLAVE  RUNAWAYS 

(a)  Letter  of  Joseph  Valentine,  manager  of  the  Custis  estate  on  York 
River,  Va.,  Aug.  24,  1771,  to  George  Washington.  Hamilton,  S.  M., 
editor.    Letters  to   JVashington   (Boston,  1898-1902),  vol.  iv,  81,  82. 

Sir :  The  last  time  I  Rote  to  you  I  acquainted  you  with 
the  misfortain  of  our  Crops  Being  drounded  &  over- 
done with  the  wet  and  now  it  is  ass  Bad  the  other  way 
we  have  had  no  Rain  Sence  to  do  any  Service  to  the 


320  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

Corn  or  tobacco  &  it  Burns  up  for  being  over  done  with 
the  wet  before  it  Cannot  stand  the  drouth  now  the  Corn 
Cannot  Shoot  out  nor  fill  the  tobacco  the  Roots  of  it 
was  So  mutch  Sobd  and  overdone  with  the  Rain  before 
that  the  drouth  Burns  it  up  at  the  Bottom  &  fires  at 
Sutch  a  Rate  that  I  Can  Scarsly  tel  what  to  do  with  it 
and  more  particular  on  the  Leavel  StifJ  Land  wheare 
the  foundation  would  not  let  the  water  Sink  from  it 
for  Sum  time  it  is  not  Quite  so  bad  on  the  light  or  hilley 
Land,  if  providence  pleases  to  Send  us  a  good  Rain 
in  a  little  time  I  hope  it  will  make  a  great  alteration  in 
our  Crops  for  the  Better.  Sir  the  young  negro  fellow 
will  Shag  who  formerly  lived  at  old  Quarter  and  ass  he 
was  allways  Runaway  I  moved  him  down  heir  to  Settle 
theis  places  and  thought  he  might  be  better  but  he  Run- 
away Sum  time  in  June  went  to  Yorke  and  past  for  a 
free  man  By  the  name  of  will  Jones  but  at  last  was  taken 
up  and  put  in  prison  and  Sent  a  Letter  up  to  me  &  I  was 
up  at  the  Quarters  in  new  Kent  at  the  Same  time  &  the 
over  Seer  went  down  for  him  and  Brout  him  up  to  the 
plantation  and  then  will  Beat  him  and  got  away  &  he 
Cant  be  got  Sence  I  have  heard  he  has  Ben  Seen  on  his 
way  Coming  up  to  you  and  ass  their  is  a  good  many  of 
his  acQuaintence  their  he  may  Be  harberd  and  no  white 
person  no  of  it  he  is  advertizd  and  out  Lawd  he  went 
away  for  no  provocation  in  the  world  hot  So  lazey  he 
will  not  worke  and  a  greater  Roge  is  not  to  be  foun.  no 
more   to   add  but  Remain   Sir  your  most  hble   sert. 

Joseph  Valentine. 

(b)  Letter  of  Wm.  Capers,  overseer  on  East  Hermitage  plantation, 
Savannah  river,  Chatham  County,  Ga.,  Nov.  14,  1861,  to  Charles 
Manigault.    MS.  in  the  possession  of  Mrs.  H.  Jenkins,  Pinopolis,  B.C. 

Dear  Sir:    At  9%  OcL,  reached  here  all  Negroes  do- 
ing well,  the  three  are  safe,  Big  George,  Dov.  Jack,  Lit- 


PLANTATION  VICISSITUDES  321 

tie  George.  Ishomail  begged  to  remain ;  he  betrayed  his 
brother  and  little  George.  Jack  caught  in  Back  River 
by  Driver  John,  in  the  small  canoe;  he  resisted  the 
Driver.  George  (big)  attempted  to  run  off  in  presents 
of  the  entire  force  and  in  my  presents.  He  was  caught 
by  Driver  John  between  Conveyor  House  and  No.  i 
door.  I  gave  him  60  straps  in  presents  of  those  he  ran 
off  in  presents  of.  Everything  else  is  as  quiet  as  possi- 
ble. Gentlemen  be  assured  I  will  act  in  a  calm  and  de- 
termined manner;  I  will  stand  by  your  interests  until 
there  is  no  more  of  me.  I  apprehend  but  little  trouble 
after  a  week  or  so.  The  three  men  should  be  sent  away, 
and  if  you  can  obtain  $1000,  for  big  George  "to  be  sent 
to  Cuba"  let  him  go  or  you  will  loose  him;  he  should 
not  be  among  a  gang  of  Negroes.  I  have  not  time  or 
space  to  write  all. 

3     EMBARRASSMENTS  FROM  DEBT 

Letter  of  Geo.  Mason,  Gunston  Hall,  Va.,  Dec.  21,  1773,  to  George 
Washington.  Hamilton,  S.  M.,  editor.  Letters  to  fVashington  (Bos- 
ton, 1898-1902),  vol.  iv,  286. 

The  embarrass'd  Situation  of  my  Friend  Mr.  Jas. 
Mercer's  Affairs  gives  Me  much  more  Concern  than 
Surprize.  I  always  feared  that  his  Aversion  to  selling 
the  Lands  &  Slaves,  in  Expectation  of  paying  the  Debts 
with  the  Crops  &  Profits  of  the  Estate,  whilst  a  heavy 
Interest  was  still  accumulating,  wou'd  be  attended  with 
bad  Consequences,  independant  of  his  Brother's  Dif- 
ficulties in  England;  having  never,  in  a  single  Instance, 
seen  these  sort  of  Delays  answer  the  Hopes  of  the 
Debtor.  When  Colo.  Mercer  was  first  married,  & 
thought  in  affluent  circumstances  by  his  Friends  here, 
considerable  Purchases  of  Slaves  were  made  for  Him, 
at  high  prices  (&  I  believe  mostly  upon  Credit)  which 
must  now  be  sold  at  much  less  than  the  cost:    He  was 


322  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

originally  burthened  with  a  proportionable  part  of  his 
Fathers  Debts :  most  of  which,  as  well  as  the  old  Gen- 
tleman's other  Debts,  are  not  only  still  unpaid,  but  must 
be  greatly  increased  by  Interest;  so  that  even  if  Colo. 
Mercer  had  not  incurr'd  a  large  Debt  in  England,  He 
wou'd  have  found  his  Affairs  here  in  a  disagreeable 
Situation.  I  have  Bye  me  Mr.  Mercer's  Title-Papers 
for  his  Lands  on  Pohick  Run  &  on  Four-mile  Run,  in 
this  County:  which  I  have  hitherto  endeavoured  to  sell 
for  Him  in  Vain:  for  as  he  Left  the  Price  entirely  to 
Me,  I  cou'd  not  take  less  for  them  than  if  they  had  been 
my  own.     .     . 


VII.  OVERSEERS 

I     AN  OVERSEER'S  TESTIMONIAL 

Letter  of  S.  P.  Myrick,  Milledgeville,  Ga.,  Sept.  19,  1854,  to  Col.  John 
B.  Lamar,  Macon.  MS.  in  the  possession  of  Mrs.  A.  S.  Erwin, 
Athens,  Ga. 

Dear  Sir:  I  am  requested  by  Mr  Bagley  to  say  to 
you,  if  Mr  Collins  does  not  stay  with  you  the  next  year, 
he  would  like  to  attend  to  your  business  as  overseer  & 
promises  to  do  so  faithfully  or  forfeit  his  wages. 

I  have  had  Mr  Bagley  for  two  years  &  look  on  him 
as  a  good  manager  on  a  farm.  I  do  not  deem  it  neces- 
sary to  enter  into  the  particulars  in  refference  to  Mr  B. 
as  you  would  of  course  see  him,  before  makeing  any  en- 
gagements &  you  have  some  knowledge  of  him  as  a  busi- 
ness man,  as  he  once  done  business  for  you.  He  wishes 
you  to  let  him  know  on  the  receipt  of  this  &  he  will  meet 
you  at  any  time  you  may  name.     .     . 

2    OVERSEERS  WANTED 

Advertisements  from  the  South  Carolina  Gazette  (Charleston),  Jan.  6, 
1787. 

Great  Encouragement  will  be  given  to  an  Overseer 
of  a  sober  industrious  Character,  to  manage  a  Rice  and 
Lumber  Plantation,  about  Thirty  Miles  from  Charles- 
Town;  or,  in  Case  any  Person,  with  a  few  experienced 
Sawyers,  should  incline  to  join  his  Hands,  and  under- 
take the  cutting  and  sawing  of  Lumber  only,  it  will  be 
equally  agreeable.  For  Information,  apply  to  Printer. 
Wanted  :  Two  Overseers 

One  to  Manage  seven  Pair  of  Sawyers,  and  a  little 


3^4  AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 


Planting;  the  other  a  Brick  Yard  with  two  Tables,  both 
already  settled.  They  must  both  be  well  recommended 
for  being  capable,  sober  and  not  passionate. 

Richard  Beresford. 
St.  Thomas's  Parish,  January  i,  1767. 

3    A  PLANTER'S  APPRENTICE 

"Extracts  from  the  Diary  of  Col  Landon  Carter"  in  William  and 
Mary  College   Quarterly,  vol.  xiii,  48. 

April  30,  1770.  Saturday  .  .  .  Billy  Beale,  the 
youngest  son  of  the  late  John  Beale,  a  lad  of  about  i8, 
came  to  me  Saturday  on  a  letter  I  wrote  to  his  mother. 
He  brought  with  him  Mr.  Eustace's  and  Mr.  Edwards' 
consent,  his  guardians,  that  he  should  be  bound  to  me 
in  the  place  of  William  Ball,  which  the  young  gentle- 
man very  willingly  agreed  to  &  signed  the  same  in- 
dentures as  to  the  tenor  of  it  as  Ball  had  signed.  He  is 
to  come  here  the  6th  of  May,  and  to  serve  me  three  years 
for  £io  the  year  in  order  to  be  instructed  in  the  steward- 
ship or  management  of  a  Virginia  estate.  I  ordered 
him  as  he  went  to  his  mother's  to  see  my  lower  planta- 
tions, and  bring  me  an  account  from  under  the  hands  of 
the  overseers  what  quantity  of  grounds  they  are  tending, 
how  far  they  are  advanced  in  it,  what  cattle  they  have 
lost  and  what  stocks  are  remaining.     .     . 

4    A  QUESTION  OF  AUTHORITY 

Letter  of  Samuel  L.  Straughan,  overseer  on  Forest  Quarter  plantation, 
Virginia,  to  his  employer,  Robert  Carter,  of  Nomoni  Hall.  MS. 
among  the  Carter  papers  in  the  possession  of  the  Virginia  Historical 
Society. 

Mr.  Carter  Forist  Quarter  27  September  1787. 

Sir:  I  understand  by  Suckey  that  she  has  leave  of  you 

to  stay  at  home  and  wash  her  Clothes  at  any  time  when 

she  pleases  &  to  goo  to  Eviry  place  to  meeting  in  the 


OVERSEERS  32  ^ 


week  She  pleases  Let  the  worke  bee  in  what  condition  it 
will:  for  Last  Saturday  I  hadn't  bout  40  Thousand 
hills  of  Tops  &  Blads  of  foder  out  &  was  very  likely 
for  Rain  &  Did  Rain  &  I  sent  for  hir  to  Come  in  the 
morning  to  help  Secoure  the  foder  but  She  Sent  me 
word  that  She  would  not  come  to  worke  that  Day,  & 
that  you  had  ordered  to  wash  hir  Cloaiths  &  goo  to  Any 
meeting  She  pleased  any  time  in  the  weke  without  my 
leafe,  &  on  monday  when  I  Come  to  Reken  with  hir 
about  it  She  Said  it  was  your  orders  &  She  would  do  it 
in  Defiance  of  me,  I  Never  Refuse  to  Let  wone  of  the 
people  goo  to  meeting  If  they  ast  my  leafe,  but  without 
that  If  they  that  is  under  me  Doo  Contrary  to  my  Direc- 
tion they  will  Sufer  for  it  As  one  of  the  people  is  as 
much  to  me  as  a  other  &  I  shall  treat  them  as  Such  &  I 
hope  if  Suckey  is  aloud  that  privilige  more  than  the 
Rest  that  she  will  bee  moved  to  some  other  place  &  one 
Come  in  her  Room. 

5    THE  SHORTCOMINGS  OF  OVERSEERS 

(a)  Extract  from  a  letter  of  James  Habersham,  Savannah,  Ga.,  Jan. 
15,  1772,  to  William  Knox,  London,  England.  MS.  copy  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  Georgia  Historical  Society,  printed  in  the  Georgia  His- 
torical Society's  Collections,  vol.  vi. 

Mr.  Graham  has  taken  pains  to  possess  me  with  a 
favourable  opinion  of  your  overseer,  but  I  believe  his 
late  conduct  has  made  him  think  otherwise,  and  if  I 
had  had  some  one  proper  to  take  his  Place,  I  believe,  I 
should  yesterday  have  turned  him  away -He  is  very 
plausible  and  talkative,  keeps  a  Journal  of  every  days 
work,  as  he  says,  and  from  it,  he  gave  me  an  account  of 
60  or  70,000  shingles  more  than  he  had  to  deliver, 
which  made  me  look  very  foolish,  after  having  engaged 
them.  The  fact  was,  he  had  taken  the  Negroes  Account 
of  their  daily  work  without  further  examination,  which 


3^6  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

he  owned,  after  he  found  me  determined  to  resent  his 
imposing  a  Falsity  upon  me ;  however  I  have  forgiven 
him,  and  have  told  him,  if  ever  I  find  him  again  the 
least  prevaricating,  I  will  instantly  turn  him  adrift.    .    . 

(b)  Extract  from  a  letter  of  G.  M.  Salley,  Hayneville,  Ala.,  Jan.  15, 
1836,  to  Thos.  W.  Glover,  Orangeburgh,  S.C.,  concerning  Glover's 
overseer.    MS.  in  the  possession  of  A.  S.  Salley  Jr.,  Columbia,  S.C. 

The  neighborhood  report  says  the  negroes  pay  little 
or  no  attention  to  what  he  says  &  in  one  instance  when  he 
told  your  Carpenter  to  carry  home  a  basket  of  cotton  for 
an  old  woman  he  said  if  he  wanted  it  carried  he  might 
do  it  for  he  did  not  come  there  to  work  in  the  farm,  & 
left  it.  Now  you  say  you  and  Stroman  both  wish  me  to 
look  to  the  business  &  act  for  you  as  I  would  do  for  my- 
self. Now  that  would  not  do  for  I  should  settle  with 
such  a  man  the  next  day  and  dismiss  him  &  hire  one 
capable  of  managing  the  business  &  such  an  one  could 
not  be  got  for  less  than  3  or  $400  &  perhaps  more,  & 
neither  of  you  would  be  willing  to  give  such  a  price. 
But  be  assured  it  is  your  only  chance  if  you  want  to 
make  anything,  for  I  assure  you  I  would  give  such  a 
man  $150  dollars  to  quit  any  time  &  give  a  good  overseer 
$500  rather  than  have  him  on  a  place  of  mine.  (If  re- 
ports be  correct  I  believe  him  to  be  perfectly  harmless 
but  quite  incompetent).     .     . 

(c)  "Extracts  from  the  Diary  of  Col.  Landon  Carter"  (1772-1774), 
in  William  and  Mary  College  Quarterly,  vol.  xiii,  220,  221 ;  vol.  xiv, 
39,  40>  41,  184. 

September  14,  1772.  This  day  I  went  to  see  my  plan- 
tations under  John  E.  Beale.  I  got  there  with  Mr.  Gi- 
berne  by  11  o'clock  and  dined  there.  I  must  observe 
that  Jack  lives  well;  but  I  was  sorry  to  see  his  wife  act 
the  part  of  a  fine  lady  in  all  her  wearing  aparell,  with 
at  least  two  maids  besides  her  own  girl  to  get  the  dinner 


OVERSEERS  327 


and  wait  upon  her;  but  this  I  do  suppose  she  did  to  shew 
her  respect;  however,  I  had  rather  have  seen  the  dilli- 
gent,  industrious  woman.  I  rode  after  dinner  full  an 
hour  and  a  quarter  about  the  cornfield  and  tobo  ground; 
the  former  pretty  tollerable,  and  the  latter  well  enough 
to  pass;  however,  the  tobo  but  narrow  and  small;  and  I 
do  think  most  of  it  hous'd  too  green,  although  I  was  told 
it  was  rotting  from  the  stalk,  which  I  thought  impossi- 
ble for  its  substance.     .     . 

September  15,  1772.  I  had  here  [at  Rosegill]  the 
opportunity  of  seeing  the  vanity  of  this  youth  and  my 
son's  boasting.  I  had  heard  of  2000  pr  share,  then  1500, 
and  of  neither  suckers  nor  worms,  but  I  saw  many  of 
both;  and  if  the  crops  are  of  this  size  with  what  I  saw 
no  10,000  plants  of  such  tobo  can  make  1,500  1.  the 
share.  The  corn  was  fair;  but  it  has  destroyed  a  noble 
pasture  on  Purpose  kept  for  many  years  to  support  the 
cattle  &  the  house  in  butter  &  milk,  and  now  I  heard 
they  were  hard  put  to  it  for  either.  I  told  my  old  friend 
as  much;  but  he  imputed  it  to  the  loss  of  his  cattle  last 
year,  but  was  not  that  loss  occasioned  by  the  want  of  this 
Pasture,  now  three  years  kept  from  the  cattle  and  more 
every  year.  In  short  the  old  Gentleman  is  a  fine  man- 
ager, but  it  is  with  him  as  it  is  with  me ;  the  least  sick- 
ness is  seen  in  the  management  of  our  affairs.  This  I 
foretold,  and  so  it  will  be  with  others  as  they  grow 
old.     .     . 

October  14,  1772.  Wednesday.  My  people  seem  to 
be  quite  dead  hearted,  and  either  cannot  or  will  not 
work,  and  overseers,  especially  those  on  wages,  will  lie 
with  expectations  of  great  things.  Lawson  not  two 
days  ago  told  me  should  fill  at  least  3  90  foot  houses  of 
good  tobacco.  But  I  wish  he  may  fill  9  inch  ones.  And 
he  was  certain  of  a  better  crop  of  corn  than  last  year, 
when  I  am  afraid  he  will  not  make  one  half  of  it. 


3^8  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

October  19,  1772.  .  .  William  Lawson  went  up 
to  take  possession  of  my  Park  Quarter  Thursday,  the 
15th  of  the  month.  He  is  to  get  things  in  order,  and  to 
bring  down  all  my  hogs  to  fatten  here,  for  that  rascal, 
Brown,  not  only  sold  all  my  last  crop  of  corn,  but  even 
did  not  intend  to  make  any  this  year;  for  he  never  wed 
the  little  that  he  tended;  neither  did  he  ever  work  my 
tobacco.     .     . 

James  Purcell  is  to  be  at  the  Fork  Quarter  on  Mon- 
day next.  I  needed  not  to  have  a  man  there,  but  my  dog 
of  a  foreman  is  now  grown  a  lazy  villain. 

24.  Saturday.  Lawson  came  down  on  friday.  He 
likes  the  Park  land  much ;  says  there  will  be  about  10,000 
good  tobo  made,  and  as  there  are  no  hoggs  to  be 
fattened  there,  he  thinks  he  shall  [have]  corn  enough 
made  to  keep  the  Quarter  this  year,  altho'  there  has  been 
but  little  planted  and  hardly  any  of  that  tended. 

Lawson  is  to  marry  &  go  up  immediately,  and  after 
him  Talbot  shall  carry  the  peoples  things  and  his  goods 
to  the  Falls.     .     . 

February  21,  1774.  Monday.  Billy  Beale  off  this 
day  [to]  Lover'shall,  my  Northumberland  Plantation. 
I  do  suppose  that  his  brother,  the  overlooker  there,  may 
be  miffed  at  it;  but  I  cannot  bear  to  make  nothing  there 
with  such  fine  land  and  such  good  hands.  He  is  to 
bring  me  a  particular  account  of  everything,  and  to  ex- 
amine narrowly  into  everything.     .     . 

June  3,  1774.  Mr.  Beale  comes  from  seeing  my  Park 
Quarter  and  brought  a  discouraging  account  of  the  man- 
agement of  my  cousin  Charles  Carter  of  Ludlow.  The 
people  in  his  neighborhood  make  great  clearings  for 
wheat  which  throws  them  so  late  that  the  ground  cannot 
be  prepared  for  either  corn  or  tobacco.     .     . 


OVERSEERS  329 


(d)  Extracts    from    the    "Diary    of    John    Harrovver,    1773-1776,"    in 
American  Historical  Review,  vol.  vi,  92-97,  passim. 

Tuesday,  February  14,  1775.  This  day  the  Col.  on 
finding  more  wheat  left  among  the  straw  than  should  be 
blamed  Mr.  Lewis  the  Overseer  for  his  carelessness, 
upon  which  Mr.  Lewis  seemed  verry  much  enraged  for 
being  spoke  to  and  verry  sawcily  threw  up  all  the  keys 
he  hade  in  charge  and  went  ofi;  upon  which  the  Col. 
sent  for  me  and  delivered  me  the  keys  of  the  Barn  and 
begged  I  would  assist  him  in  his  business  untill  he  got 
another  Overseer.     .     . 

Tuesday,  21st.  Empld.  as  Yesterday.  This  day  the 
Col.  engaged  a  young  man  for  an  Overseer  Whose  name 
is  Anthony  Fraser.     .     . 

Munday,  27th.  This  day  Mr.  Fraser  came  here  and 
entred  to  take  his  charge  as  Overseer,  and  he  is  to  have 
his  bed  in  the  school  along  with  me.  he  appears  to  be  a 
verry  quiet  young  man  and  has  hade  a  tolerable  educa- 
tion,   his  Grandfather  came  from  Scotland.     .     . 

Freiday,  June  i6th.  This  day  at  9  AM  Col.  Dainger- 
field  set  out  for  his  Qr.  down  the  Country  at  Chicka- 
hommanie  to  receive  his  Cash  for  the  last  years  produce 
of  said  plantation  from  John  Miller  his  Overseer 
there.     .     . 

Saturday,  July  22nd.  On  Saturdy.  13  Inst,  some 
words  happened  betwixt  John  McDearmand  and  the 
Colo,  about  John's  not  being  expedecious  anough  About 
stacking  and  requiring  too  many  hands  to  attend  him 
upon  which  John  left  his  work  immedeatly  and  has  not 
returned  since.  And  by  the  Accots.  in  my  hands  I  find 
the  Colo,  is  in  Johns  debt  £9.10.9  Virga.  Currancy.    .    . 

(e)  New  Orleans  Bee,  May  17,  1845.     News  item. 

The  Natchitoches  Chronicle  reports  a  case  decided  at 
the  last  District  Court  at  that  place,  in  which  a  suit  is 


330  AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

brought  by  an  overseer  for  two  hundred  dollars  wages. 
The  jury  however  returned  a  verdict  of  five  hundred 
dollars  damages  against  the  overseer  for  maltreating 
the  slaves  under  his  control. 

6    THE  ROUTINE  PROBLEMS  AND  POLICIES  OF  AN 
EFFICIENT  OVERSEER 

Letters  of  Elisha  Cain,  overseer  on  Retreat  Plantation,  Jefferson  County, 
Ga.,  to  his  employers,  Alexander  Telfair  and  Miss  Mary  Telfair, 
Savannah.  MSS.  in  the  possession  of  the  Georgia  Historical  Society, 
trustee  for  the  Telfair  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  Savannah. 

(a)     To  Alexander  Telfair.  Feb.  i8,  1831. 

I  again  write  to  inform  you  of  the  busine/s  of  this 
Plantation.  I  finnished  Picking  Cotton  the  tenth  in- 
stant. I  should  have  done  much  sooner  if  the  weather 
had  Permited  me  to  worke.  the  Cotton  crop  is  205 
Baggs.  I  have  sent  off  188  Baggs  the  wagons  will  start 
in  the  morning  with  15  Baggs  which  will  be  all  except 
two  they  will  go  next  week  with  the  Bacon  and  Larde 
also  L.  Peggy  and  her  children  they  cannot  go  on  the 
wagon  when  it  is  Loaded  with  Cotton  while  the  Roade 
is  so  bad,  I  have  killed  thirteen  thousand  pounds  Porke 
this  year  and  saved  it  neete. 

I  have  been  some  time  considering  what  Plan  to  take 
with  the  manure  this  year  or  how  to  hawl  it  out  and 
Prepair  for  a  Crop  in  due  time  We  have  twice  as  much 
manure  this  year  as  we  have  ginerly  had  and  not  as 
much  time  to  hawl  my  Land  is  now  in  Prime  order  for 
Ploughing  and  only  eight  Ploughs  can  run  though  the 
Corn  Land  is  nearly  in  order  to  Lay  off  yet  the  Cotton 
Land  will  require  a  grate  deel  of  worke  to  Put  it  in  or- 
der for  Planting  the  Logs  and  brush  are  very  thick, 
but  I  have  a  Plan  in  view  that  I  can  Perhaps  make  out 
with  all  these  things  only  it  will  not  be  in  my  Power  to 
make  it  hit  if  I  plant  the  March  field  in  Cotton  the  Cow 


OVERSEERS  331 


pen  and  stable  manure  is  very  heavey  and  will  take  the 
best  of  worke  to  get  it  on  the  gin  house  field  in  four 
weeks  with  one  wagon  and  team,  cotton  seed  is  soon 
hawled,  and  there  is  a  grate  quantity  of  them  but  they 
will  not  do  to  manure  cotton  my  Plan  is  to  Put  the 
wagons  and  cartes  to  bawling  the  trash  manure  now  im- 
mediately or  as  soon  as  the  Cotton  is  hawled  and  get  it 
done  then  the  ox  cartes  can  bawl  the  other  manure  while 
I  am  Ploughing  and  Planting  and  Even  on  till  the  Corn 
is  half  Leg  high,  I  do  not  think  it  would  be  of  much 
use  to  manure  Cotton  after  it  is  Ridged  off  or  Planted 
Except  the  manure  was  hawled  out  in  the  field  before 
hand  and  Put  in  beeps  and  then  Put  betwen  the  Rowes 
after  the  Cotton  was  up  some  bight  then  if  it  was  a  drye 
year  it  would  do  good  I  said  I  could  not  Run  but  eight 
ploughs  because  the  ballance  of  the  mules  is  all  worked 
with  the  wagons  the  laste  mules  that  came  is  all  at  work 
and  have  as  yet  done  well  they  were  easily  mannaged 
from  the  first,  the  cows  have  done  well  this  winter  but 
the  young  stears  that  I  now  have  to  worke  is  quite  smawl 
the  Sheep  have  not  done  well  in  haveing  Lambs,  I  have 
lost  a  grate  many  of  the  Pigs  though  well  attended  to 
and  fed  one  time  every  day  the  Negroes  have  been 
helthy  only  colds  and  they  have  for  some  time  now  done 
their  work  in  as  much  Peace  and  have  been  as  obediant 
as  I  could  wish  Chariot  and  Cynthy  have  young  chil- 
dren Born  since  you  Left  here  and  are  doing  well,  I  paid 
Campbell  &  Glaze  for  the  old  gin  they  made  no  charge 
for  the  other  worke  the  bill  was  $50.  Mr.  Boutin 
charge  $25  dollars  Doctor  Jinkins  Bill  15  dollars  he 
done  more  than  Boutin  did  in  cureing  the  Negroes,  we 
are  much  in  want  of  a  grind  stone  at  this  Place  also 
Smawl  Nails  I  have  Plenty  of  Large  Nails  There  is 
other  things  also  much  wanted  all  of  which  I  cant 


332  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

Reelect  we  want  one  coarse  Plain  and  one  or  two 
Spades  and  one  or  two  Sithe  Blades  and  files  Small  and 
Large,  I  have  Received  all  the  articles  named  in  your 
Letter,  I  have  just  Received  one  Pair  of  the  Carte 
wheels  and  will  Soon  have  them  Runing. 

(b)     To  Miss  Mary  Telfair.  Nov.  20,  1836. 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  15th  inst.  I  have 
received  the  Negroe  shoes  and  given  them  out  also  I 
have  gave  them  their  winter  clothing  that  is  the  woolin 
Home  spun  as  far  as  it  was  wove  and  will  soon  have  the 
Ballance  wove  all  the  children  have  had  cloth  the 
winter  shirts  will  then  be  to  spin  &  weave,  after  send- 
ing the  usual  Quantity  of  hams  to  Savannah  I  gave  the 
Ballance  out  to  the  Negroes  in  the  Early  Part  of  the 
season  while  they  were  good  as  I  did  not  expect  you 
would  wish  any  of  them  sent  down  in  the  fall  season. 
Nanny  has  not  made  any  Butter  yet,  the  cows  were  all 
nearly  drye  and  I  had  them  turned  in  to  the  swamp  as  I 
did  not  have  any  of  the  fields  open  to  put  them  in  my 
cotton  was  wasting  and  the  wagons  on  the  Road  so  that 
I  did  not  stop  to  gather  Corn  untill  the  wet  set  in  it  was 
in  the  Best  season  for  saveing  the  cotton  that  the  Ne- 
groes were  down  sick  from  eight  to  ten  at  a  time  and 
that  for  the  space  of  six  weeks  or  more  two  have  died 
namely  Lucretia  and  Delias  child  John.  The  sickness 
was  very  prevalent  in  this  Neighbourhood  more  so  than 
I  ever  saw  though  it  is  jinerly  helthy.  At  Presant  I  ex- 
pect to  send  three  Hundred  Bales  of  Cotton  from  this 
Plantation  this  year  all  though  it  has  Roted  very  much 
in  Places  that  is  if  I  can  save  what  is  yet  in  the  fields  I 
have  Packed  out  160  Bales  have  as  much  as  60  Picked 
ahead  of  the  gin  my  hands  have  Picked  well  when 
they  were  Able  they  see  the  cotton  wasting  and  some  of 
them  appear  to  have  a  kind  of  Pride  in  making  a  good 


OVERSEERS  333 


crop  I  have  long  since  known  that  I  Planted  inferior 
seed  on  this  Plantation  but  saw  no  chance  to  do  Better 
But  I  did  not  think  there  could  be  so  grate  differance  in 
seeds  as  what  has  Been  mannifested  this  year  on  this 
Plantation,  the  Petty  Gulph  seed  is  all  that  the  Planter 
can  desire  in  the  way  of  Cotton  seed  had  it  not  been  for 
the  seed  Mr.  Habersham  sent  and  one  Load  from  Mr. 
Jones  Plantation  and  one  Load  from  Mr.  Fitzsimmons 
Plantation  which  I  changed  seed  for  the  crop  on  this 
Plantation  would  have  been  verry  Lite  this  year. 

I  got  the  New  gin  Mr.  Campbell  sent  from  Augusta 
I  had  some  trouble  and  Loss  of  time  to  get  it  to  work  it 
being  a  sixty  saw  my  works  which  done  for  the  old  gin 
was  not  strong  enough  for  the  new  one;  but  I  have  got 
it  a  Running  and  think  it  will  answer  it  takes  four  mules 
to  work  it  where  as  two  was  sufiiciant  for  the  gin  I  had. 
Since  the  Rains  set  in  the  Cotton  being  so  wet  I  cannot 
Pick  so  while  it  was  wet  I  have  gathered  corn  so  as  to 
get  the  Hogs  in  the  field  and  the  Sheep  and  will  now  see 
if  there  is  any  of  the  Cows  worth  takeing  up  to  milk  and 
make  what  Butter  we  can  untill  the  fields  are  Eate  out 
the  cattle  is  in  as  good  order  as  they  Ever  are  at  this  sea- 
son the  corn  crop  is  suf!iciant  for  the  use  of  the  Planta- 
tion Plenty  of  good  fodder  the  Pea  crop  not  very 
good  the  oats  were  not  worth  saveing  Except  for  seed 
oats  indeed  they  done  the  stock  very  little  good  they 
were  Ruined  by  the  Blast.  I  have  sent  the  soap  the 
Turkeys  I  will  send  in  the  Morning  as  the  wagons  leave 
here  with  the  cotton  onst  a  week. 

Charlotte  &  Venus  &  Mary  &  Little  Sary  have  all 
had  children  and  have  not  received  their  baby  clothes 
also  Hetty  &  Sary  &  Coteler  will  want  baby  clothes.  I 
see  a  Blanket  for  the  old  fellow  Sampson  he  is  dead.  I 
thought  I  wrote  to  you  that  he  was  dead    Little  Peggy 


334  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

Sarys  daughter  has  not  ever  drawn  any  Blanket  at  all, 
and  when  they  come  I  think  it  would  be  right  to  give  her 
the  Blanket  that  was  sent  to  Sampson. 

It  is  not  my  wish  to  Dictate  to  you  nor  do  I  wish  to 
make  any  a  Rangement  with  the  Business  without  your 
approbation  but  the  Spinning  Business  on  this  Planta- 
tion is  very  ungaining  in  the  Presant  arangement  there 
is  eight  hands  Regular  imployed  in  spinning  and 
weaveing  four  of  which  spin  [wa]rpe  and  it  could  be 
bought  at  the  factory  at  120  dollars  Annually,  besides 
it  takes  400  lbs.  of  cotton  each  year  Leaveing  60  dollars 
only  to  the  four  hands  who  spin  warp.  At  Col.  Cobbs 
Plantation  they  spin  wool  but  he  buys  all  the  warp, 
these  hands  are  not  old  negroes  not  all  of  them  two  of 
Nannys  Daughters  or  three  I  may  say  are  all  Able  hands 
also  Mary  and  Peggy  are  good  field  hands  and  these 
make  neither  corn  nor  meet  take  out  $20.  to  pay  their 
horde  and  it  Leaves  them  in  debt.  I  give  them  their 
task  to  spin  and  they  say  they  cannot  do  any  more  that  is 
they  have  what  is  jenerly  given  as  a  task. 

(c)    To  Miss  Mary  Telfair  Dec.  14,  1840. 

Jacob  returned  to  me  and  brot.  your  letter  dated  5th 
Inst  I  feel  it  to  be  my  indispensible  duty  to  obey  your 
instructions  at  all  times  concerning  the  management  of 
this  plantation,  altho  I  feel  that  it  will  be  at  the  expense 
of  justice  and  an  injury  in  the  future  government  of 
these  negroes  to  let  Jacob  go  unpunished,  as  he  ran 
away  from  me,  and  not  from  John;  soon  as  I  saw  your 
letter  I  asked  him  how  he  could  go  to  you  with  such  a 
falsehood,  saying  John  had  beat  him,  when  it  was  well 
known  to  near  all  on  the  plantation  that  no  such  thing 
had  taken  place;  he  positively  denied  telling  that  John 
had  whiped  him,  but  that  he  told  you  John  was  driver 
and  himself  and  John  had  a  falling  out,  and  he  feared 


OVERSEERS  335 


that  I  would  whip  him ;  I  write  this  to  let  you  know  how 
inconsistent  they  will  act  and  talk;  Jacob  is  a  boy  that  I 
have  ever  treated  with  kindness,  I  feel  convinced  that 
he  did  not  run  away  with  his  own  council;  I  found  a 
camp  near  your  plantation,  where  ranaway  negroes  had 
concealed  themselves,  and  when  I  approached  it  they 
were  gone,  I  thought  Jacob  &  Hector,  who  is  yet  out, 
had  made  it,  but  Jacob  says  he  went  to  it  expecting  to 
find  Hector,  but  found  three  negroes  that  he  does  not 
know. 

When  I  named  the  subject  of  having  a  driver,  to  Mr. 
Jones,  I  thought  that  I  explained  it  so  as  not  to  give  any 
cause  of  complaint;  by  the  term  driver,  I  do  not  mean  to 
appoint  a  hand  to  lay  off  tasks  &  use  the  whip,  neither 
was  it  for  the  purpose  of  indulging  myself,  but  for  the 
purpose  of  attending  to  the  work  being  done  in  better 
order.  The  extension  of  the  plantation  and  increase  of 
hands  has  placed  it  beyound  my  power  to  render  all  the 
attention  in  person^  that  my  judgement  dictates  abso- 
lutely nece/sary;  I  am  frequently  compelled  to  work 
them  in  three  seperate  cla/ses,  (viz)  plow  hands,  hoe 
hands,  the  full  grown  &  small  hands  these  seperate 
classes  are  frequently  seperate  a  considerable  distance 
from  each  other,  and  so  soon  as  I  am  absent  from  either 
they  are  subject  to  quarrel  &  fight,  or  to  idle  time,  or 
beat  and  abuse  the  mules,  and  when  called  to  an  ac- 
count, each  negro  present  when  the  misconduct  took 
place,  will  deny  all  about  the  same;  I  therefore  thought 
&  yet  believe  that  for  the  good  order  of  the  plantation, 
and  faithful  performance  of  their  duty;  it  was  proper 
to  have  some  faithful  and  trusty  hand,  whose  duty  it 
should  be  to  report  to  me  those  in  fault,  and  that  is  the 
only  dread  they  have  of  John,  for  they  know  he  is  not 
authorised  to  beat  them. 


33^  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

You  mention  in  your  letter  that  you  do  not  wish  your 
negroes  treated  with  severity.  I  have  ever  thought  my 
fault  on  the  side  of  lenity;  If  they  were  treated  severe  as 
many  are  I  should  not  be  their  overseer  on  any  consid- 
eration. 

The  meat  held  out  this  year  to  give  eleven  allowances 
commencing  in  Jany.  it  held  out  to  Novr.  which  is  one 
month  longer  than  usual;  it  requires  1050  lbs.  to  give 
your  negroes  here  one  allowance,  the  bacon  Mr.  Haber- 
sham sent  up,  though  good  was  not  perfectly  dry,  it  lost 
considerable  in  drying,  that  which  I  killed  was  small 
and  lost  more  in  drying  than  it  otherwise  would  have 
done. 

I  wrote  to  you  about  the  3rd  Inst,  giving  you  an  ac- 
count of  the  plantation  stock  &c  which  letter  I  hope  you 
have  reed,  before  this.  I  then  wrote  that  three  of  your 
negroes  were  sick,  to  wit  Lydia,  &  two  of  Chariot's 
children,  since  then  the  two  children  are  dead,  namely 
Maria  &  Eda.     .     . 

7    ASSISTANT  OVERSEERS 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  Charles  Manigault,  Paris,  France,  July  12, 
1848,  to  G.  T.  Cooper,  his  overseer  on  Gowrie  plantation,  Chatham 
County,  Ga.  MS.  copy  in  Charles  Manigault's  letter  book  in  the 
possession  of  Mrs.  H.  Jenkins,  Pinopolis,  S.C. 

With  regard  to  what  you  say  respecting  a  sub-over- 
seer, I  must  now  state  that  all  I  wrote  you  respecting  one 
was  merely  to  shew  you  that  anything  you  thought  bene- 
ficial to  my  place  I  was  ready  to  agree  to,  and  I  am 
now  happy  indeed  to  find  that  your  opinion  &  experi- 
ence completely  coincides  with  mine  -  for  I  have  had 
many  young  men  as  sub-overseers  on  the  place,  &  never 
yet  found  one  who  gave  entire  satisfaction,  for  all  of 
them  shewed  a  jealous  disposition  being  always  anxious 
to  put  a  wrong  meaning  to  their  instructions,  or  follow- 


OVERSEERS  337 


ing  them  in  so  lo[o]se  a  manner  as  shew'd  too  clearly 
that  they  were  secretly  in  opposition  to  the  manager. 
And  if  I  should  ever  have  another  on  my  place  1  have 
made  it  a  rule  to  avoid  every  one  who  comes  from  the 
Georgia  or  Carolina  shore,  or  whose  family  resides  any- 
where on  or  near  the  Savannah  River  -  for  in  this  case 
while  on  the  place  their  friends  &  acquaintances  are 
constantly  coming  to  see  them  -  or  they  take  my  Ne- 
groes &  slip  off  in  a  boat  to  visit  their  friends.  I  could 
say  much  more  on  this  subject,  but  you  seem  to  know  it 
as  well  as  I  do  -  &  will  only  add  that  if  one  of  these 
people  happens  to  be  turned  away  he  goes  home,  &  then 
we  are  sure  to  have  an  enemy  in  our  neighborhood. 

8  THE  PURCHASE  OF  A  PLANTATION  FOREMAN 

Extracts  of  letters  of  Wm.  Capers,  overseer  on  Gowrie  Plantation,  Sa- 
vannah River,  i860,  to  Charles  Manigault,  his  employer  at  Charles- 
ton, S.C.     MSS.  in  the  possession  of  Mrs.  H.  Jenkins,  Pinopolis,  S.C. 

(a)  Letter  of  Aug.  5,  i860. 

John  is  about  45  years  old,  &  if  he  is  the  man  that  I 
had  as  Driver  [plantation  foreman]  when  at  Mr.  Prin- 
gle's  buy  him  by  all  means ^  there  is  but  few  negroes 
more  competent  than  he  is,  and  was  not  a  drunkard 
when  under  my  management,  &  was  not  ruptured.  In 
speaking  with  John  he  does  not  answer  like  a  smart  ne- 
gro but  he  is  quite  so.  You  had  better  say  to  him  who  is 
to  manage  him  on  Savannah.  On  Wednesday  the  8th 
will  have  a  Boat  at  the  S.  river  for  him. 

(b)  Letter  of  Aug.  ii,  i860. 

John  arrived  safe  &  handed  me  yours  of  the  9th  inst. 
I  congratulate  you  on  the  purchase  of  said  negro,  he 
says  he  is  quite  satisfied  to  be  here  and  will  do  as  he  has 
always  done  'during  the  time  I  have  managed  him.'  No 
drink  will  be  offered  him.  All  on  my  part  will  be  done 
to  bring  John  all  right. 


33^  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

(c)     Letter  of  Oct.  15,  i860. 

I  have  found  John  as  good  a  driver  as  when  I  left 
him  on  Santee,  bad  management  was  the  cause  of  his 
being  sold  &  am  glad  you  have  been  the  fortunate  man 
to  get  him,  his  measure  is  1 1^4  inches,  or  no.  lo  shoe. 


VIII.     PLANTATION     LABOR:     INDENTED 

WHITES 

I     CLASSES  AND  CONDITIONS  OF  WHITE  SERVANTS 

Jones,   Hugh.     Present  State  of  Virginia,   1724.     Sabin's  reprint    (New 
York,  1865),  53,  54- 

The  Ships  that  tran/port  these  Things  often  call  at 
Ireland  to  victual,  and  bring  over  frequently  white  Ser- 
vants, which  are  of  three  Kinds,  i.  Such  as  come  upon 
certain  Wages  by  Agreement  for  a  certain  Time.  2. 
Such  as  come  bound  by  Indenture,  commonly  call'd 
Kids,  who  are  u/ually  to  /erve  four  or  five  Years ;  and 
3.  tho/e  Convicts  or  Felons  that  are  tran/ported,  who/e 
Room  they  had  much  rather  have  than  their  Company; 
for  abundance  of  them  do  great  Mi/chiefs,  commit  Rob- 
bery and  Murder,  and  /poil  Servants,  that  were  before 
very  good :  But  they  frequently  there  meet  with  the  End 
that  they  de/"erved  at  Home,  though  indeed  /ome  of 
them  prove  indifferent  good.  Their  being  /ent  thither 
to  work  as  Slaves  for  Puni/hment,  is  but  a  mere  Notion, 
for  few  of  them  ever  lived  /o  well  and  /o  ea/y  before, 
e/pecially  if  they  are  good  for  any  thing.  The/e  are  to 
/erve  /"even  and  /ometimes  fourteen  Years,  and  they  and 
Servants  by  Indentures  have  an  Allowance  of  Corn  and 
Cloaths,  when  they  are  out  of  their  Time,  that  they  may 
be  therewith  /upported,  till  they  can  be  provided  with 
Services,  or  otherwi/e  /ettled.  With  the/e  three  Sorts 
of  Servants  are  they  /upplied  from  England,  Wales, 
Scotland  and  Ireland,  among  which  they  that  have  a 
Mind  to  it  may  /erve  their  Time  with  Ea/e  and  Sati/f  ac- 


340  AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

tion  to  them/elves  and  their  Ma/ters,  e/pecially  if  they 
fall  into  good  Hands. 

Except  the  la/t  Sort,  for  the  mo/t  Part  who  are  loo/e 
Villains,  made  tame  by  Wild,  and  then  en/laved  by  his 
Forward  Name/ake:  To  prevent  too  great  a  Stock  of 
which  Servants,  and  Negroes  many  Attempts  and  Laws 
have  been  in  vain  made. 

The/e  if  they  for/ake  their  Roguery  together  with  the 
other  Kids  of  the  later  Jonathan,  when  they  are  free, 
may  work  Day-Labour,  or  el/e  rent  a  /mall  Plantation 
for  a  Trifle  almo/t;  or  el/e  turn  Over/eers,  if  they  are 
expert,  indu/trious  and  careful,  or  follow  their  Trade, 
if  they  have  been  brought  up  to  any;  e/pecially  Smiths, 
Carpenters,  Taylors,  Sawders,  Coopers,  Bricklayers, 
&c.  The  Plenty  of  the  Country  and  the  good  Wages 
given  to  Work-Folks  occa/ion  very  few  Poor,  who  are 
/upported  by  the  Parish,  being  /uch  as  are  lame,  /ick  or 
decrepit  through  Age,  Di/tempers,  Accidents,  or  /ome 
Infirmities;  for  where  there  is  a  numerous  Family  of 
poor  Children  the  Ve/try  takes  care  to  bind  them  out 
Apprentices,  till  they  are  able  to  maintain  them/elves 
by  their  own  Labour;  by  which  Means  they  are  never 
tormented  with  Vagrant,  and  Vagabond  Beggars,  there 
being  a  Reward  for  taking  up  Runaways,  that  are  at  a 
/mall  Di/tance  from  their  Home;  if  they  are  not  known 
or  are  without  a  Pa/s  from  their  Ma/ter,  and  can  give 
no  good  Account  of  them/elves,  e/pecially  Negroes.  .  . 

2    FAVORABLE  VIEWS  OF  THE  INDENTED  SYSTEM 

(a)     Extract  from  John  Hammond's  Leah  and  Rachel  (1656),    Reprint 
in  Peter  Force's  Tracts,  vol.  iii. 

The  labour  servants  are  put  to,  is  not  so  hard  nor  of 
such  continuance  as  Husbandmen,  nor  Handecraftmen 
are  kept  at  in  England,  I  said  little  or  nothing  is  done 


PLANTATION  LABOR  341 

in  winter  time,  none  ever  work  before  sun  rising  nor 
after  sun  set,  in  the  summer  they  rest,  sleep  or  exercise 
themselves  five  houres  in  the  heat  of  the  day,  Saturdayes 
afternoon  is  always  their  own,  the  old  Holidayes  are  al- 
ways observed  and  the  Sabbath  spent  in  good  exercises. 

The  Women  are  not  (as  is  reported)  put  into  the 
ground  to  worke,  but  occupie  such  domestic  employ- 
ments and  housewifery  as  in  England,  that  is  dressing 
victuals,  righting  up  the  house,  milking,  imployed  about 
dayries,  washing,  sowing  &c.  and  both  men  and  women 
have  times  of  recreations,  as  much  or  more  than  in  any 
part  of  the  world  besides,  yet  som  wenches  that  are  nasty, 
beastly  and  not  fit  to  be  so  imployed  are  put  into  the 
ground,  for  reason  tells  us,  they  must  not  at  charge  be 
transported  and  then  maintained  for  nothing,  but  those 
that  prove  so  aukward  are  rather  burthensome  then  ser- 
vants desirable  or  useful.     .     . 

Those  servants  that  will  be  industrious  may  in  their 
time  of  service  gain  a  competent  estate  before  their 
Freedomes,  which  is  usually  done  by  many,  and  they 
gaine  esteeme  and  assistance,  that  appear  so  industrious : 
There  is  no  master  almost  but  will  allow  his  servant  a 
parcell  of  clear  ground  to  plant  some  Tobacco  in  for 
himself,  which  he  may  husband  at  those  many  idle  times 
he  hath  allowed  him  and  not  prejudice,  but  rejoyce  his 
Master  to  see  it,  which  in  time  of  Shipping  he  may  lay 
out  for  commodities,  and  in  Summer  sell  them  again 
with  advantage,  and  get  a  Sow-Pig  or  two,  which  any 
body  almost  will  give  him,  and  his  Master  suffer  him  to 
keep  them  with  his  own,  which  will  be  no  charge  to  his 
Master,  and  with  one  year's  increase  of  them  may  pur- 
chase a  Cow-Calf  or  two,  and  by  that  time  he  is  for  him- 
self ;  he  may  have  Cattle,  Hogs  and  Tobacco  of  his  own, 
and  come  to  live  gallantly;  but  this  must  be  gained  (as 


342  AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

I  said)   by  Industry  and  affability,  not  by  sloth  nor 
churlish  behaviour. 

And  whereas  it  is  rumored  that  Servants  have  no 
lodging  other  then  on  boards,  or  by  the  Fire  side,  it  is 
contrary  to  reason  to  believe  it:  First,  as  we  are  Chris- 
tians; next  as  people  living  under  a  law,  which  compels 
as  well  the  Master  as  the  Servant  to  perform  his  duty; 
nor  can  true  labour  be  either  expected  or  exacted  with- 
out a  sufficient  cloathing,  diet  and  lodging;  all  which 
both  their  Indentures  (which  must  inviolably  be  ob- 
served) and  the  Justice  of  the  Country  requires. 

(b)  Extract  from  a  letter  of  George  Alsop,  an  indented  servant,  to  his 
father,  circa  1659,  printed  in  the  Maryland  Historical  Society's  Fund 
Publications,  no.  15,  94. 

The  Christian  inhabitant  of  this  Province,  as  to  the 
general,  lives  wonderful  well  and  contented :  The  Gov- 
ernment of  this  Province,  is  by  the  loyalness  of  the  peo- 
ple and  loving  demeanor  of  the  Proprietor  and  Gover- 
nor of  the  same,  kept  in  a  continued  peace  and  unity. 

The  Servants  of  this  Province,  which  are  stigmatiz'd 
for  Slaves  by  the  clappermouth  jaws  of  the  vulgar  in 
England,  live  more  like  Freemen  then  the  most  Me- 
chanick  Apprentices  in  London,  wanting  for  nothing 
that  is  convenient  and  necessary,  and  according  to  their 
several  capacities,  are  extraordinary  well  used  and  re- 
spected. So  leaving  things  here  as  I  found  them,  and 
lest  I  should  commit  Sacriledge  upon  your  more  serious 
meditations,  with  the  Tautologies  of  a  long-winded  Let- 
ter, I'le  subscribe  with  a  heavenly  Ejaculation  to  the 
God  of  Mercy  to  preserve  you  now  and  for  evermore, 
Amen.    Your  Obedient  Son,  G.  A. 

From  Mary-Land,  Jan.  17,  Anno 


PLANTATION  LABOR  343 

3     AN  ADVERSE  CRITICISM 

Eddis,  William.     Letters  from  America  (London,  1792),  69-71,  describ- 
ing conditions  as  observed  by  him  about  1770. 

The  generality  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  province, 
are  very  little  acquainted  with  those  fallacious  pre- 
tences, by  which  numbers  are  continually  induced  to 
embark  for  this  continent.  On  the  contrary,  they  too 
generally  conceive  an  opinion  that  the  difference  is 
merely  nominal  between  the  indented  servant  and  the 
convicted  felon :  nor  will  they  readily  believe  that  peo- 
ple, who  had  the  least  experience  in  life,  and  whose 
characters  were  unexceptionable,  would  abandon  their 
friends  and  families,  and  their  ancient  connexions,  for 
a  servile  situation,  in  a  remote  appendage  of  the  British 
Empire.  From  this  persuasion  they  rather  consider  the 
convict  as  the  more  profitable  servant,  his  term  being 
for  seven,  the  latter  only  for  five  years;  and,  I  am  sorry 
to  observe,  that  there  are  but  few  instances  wherein  they 
experience  different  treatment.  Negroes  being  a  prop- 
erty for  life,  the  death  of  slaves,  in  the  prime  of  youth 
or  strength,  is  a  material  loss  to  the  proprietor;  they  are 
therefore,  almost  in  every  instance,  under  more  com- 
fortable circumstances  than  the  miserable  European, 
over  whom  the  rigid  planter  exercises  an  inflexible  se- 
verity. They  are  strained  to  the  utmost  to  perform  their 
allotted  labour;  and,  from  a  prepossession  in  many  cases 
too  justly  founded,  they  are  supposed  to  be  receiving 
only  the  just  reward  which  is  due  to  repeated  offences. 
There  are  doubtless  many  exceptions  to  this  observation, 
yet,  generally  speaking,  they  groan  beneath  a  worse  than 
Egyptian  bondage.  By  attempting  to  lighten  the  intol- 
erable burthen,  they  often  render  it  more  insupportable. 
For  real  or  imaginary  causes,  these  frequently  attempt 
to  escape,  but  very  few  are  successful ;  the  country  being 


344  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

intersected  with  rivers,  and  the  utmost  vigilance  ob- 
served in  detecting  persons  under  suspicious  circum- 
stances, who,  when  apprehended,  are  committed  to  close 
confinement,  advertised,  and  delivered  to  their  respec- 
tive masters ;  the  party  who  detects  the  vagrant  being  en- 
titled to  a  reward.  Other  incidental  charges  arise.  The 
unhappy  culprit  is  doomed  to  a  severe  chastisement; 
and  a  prolongation  of  servitude  is  decreed  in  full  pro- 
portion to  expences  incurred,  and  supposed  inconven- 
iences resulting  from  a  desertion  of  duty. 

4    INDENTED  LABOR  USELESS  ON  A  DISTURBED 
FRONTIER 

Extract  from  a  letter  to  George  Washington  from  Valentine  Crawford, 
his  overseer  and  agent,  in  an  attempt  to  establish  a  plantation  in 
western  Virginia,  1774.  Letters  to  Washington,  8.  M.  Hamilton,  ed- 
itor (Boston,  1898-1902,  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  for  the  Society  of 
Colonial  Dames),  vol.  v,  12-14. 

Jacobs  Creeke  June  8th  1774. 
Dear  Colo :  I  Received  your  Letter  by  Mr.  Creley  of 
the  27th  of  May  and  am  Sorrey  for  the  Sudint  Braking 
up  of  the  Esembly  before  they  hitt  on  Som  Method  to 
Releve  our  Distress  Situation  Butt  it  is  a  happey  Scur- 
cumstance  for  us  Lordonmore  [Lord  Dunmore,  gover- 
nor of  the  colony]  being  So  warm  in  our  favour  which 
gives  us  great  Reselution  to  stand  our  ground  what  few 
of  us  is  Left  though  the  Contre  [country]  is  very  thin 
we  have  Bilt  Sevrell  Forts  out  Hear  which  wase  a  very 
great  means  of  the  people  Standing  there  ground  I  have 
built  one  att  My  house  and  have  got  Som  Men  to  garde 
it  and  Mr.  Simson  has  Built  a  Fort  att  the  place  where 
they  are  Building  of  your  Mill  by  the  Esistence  of  His 
Neabours  and  part  of  your  Carpenters  and  I  have  been 
there  Severell  times  and  have  Encuraged  him  all  I  can 
to  Stand  his  Ground  and  I  have  Severell  times  oferd 


PLANTATION  LABOR  345 

him  all  the  Carpenters  and  all  the  Sarvants  but  he 
would  not  take  aney  of  the  Sarvants  and  but  four  of  the 
best  of  the  Carpenters  his  Reason  for  not  taking  of  the 
Sarvents  as  there  wase  a  great  dale  of  Companey  att  the 
Fort  and  drink  Midling  plenty  it  would  be  out  of  his 
power  to  govern  them  and  he  Said  they  would  Run 
away  from  him  and  as  to  Carpenters  he  and  Stephens 
the  Millwright  had  Engaged  Som  Carpenters  them 
Selves  before  this  Erouption  broake  out  with  the  Indens 
and  are  Louth  to  discharge  them  and  take  in  these  you 
Engagd  for  me  to  take  down  the  ohio  or  att  Least  aney 
More  of  them  than  Convenently  work  as  he  Says  from 
the  Noys  of  the  Indens  and  the  Crowds  of  people  that 
Come  to  the  Fort  he  Cant  get  Nothing  don  with  the 
Small  Numbr  of  hands  he  has  but  I  will  goe  to  Simson 
to  Morrow  morning  and  Consult  him  farther  on  the 
afair  and  doe  Every  thing  in  My  power  for  your  En- 
trast  the  thoughts  of  selling  of  the  Sarvents  Elarmed 
them  verey  Much  for  they  dont  want  to  be  Sold  but  the 
hole  of  the  Sarvents  have  had  Som  Short  Spells  of  Sick- 
ness and  Som  others  Cut  them  Selfes  with  an  ax  and 
Lay  bye  Som  time  and  one  of  the  best  of  Stephens  Men 
Cut  him  Selfe  with  an  adze  the  worst  I  Ever  Saw  aney 
body  Cut  in  My  Life  So  that  he  has  Not  been  able  to 
doe  one  Strok  for  Near  one  Month  this  hapened  in  digin 
the  Canews  I  have  Sent  you  a  Scetch  of  Stephens  article 
when  I  waite  on  Simson  if  he  does  Not  take  the  Car- 
penters all  I  Shall  Ether  Sett  them  to  building  of  a 
house  att  the  big  Medows  or  discharge  them  intirely  for 
it  Seems  all  Most  Emposable  to  Ceep  Men  Close  to 
bisness  att  a  Fort  where  there  is  So  meney  people  and  So 
much  Confusion  if  they  Can  doe  Eney  thing  it  Must  be 
att  the  Medow  as  they  will  be  to  them  Selfes  and  as 
Stevens  Seems  to  be  verey  Loth  to  be  discharged  and 
Says  he  Left  som  very  good  Jobs  to  Serve  you. 


346  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

5     RUNAWAY  REDEMPTIONERS  AND  CONVICTS 

(a)  Virginia   Historical  Register,    vol,    vi,    96-97,    advertisements   re- 
printed from  the  Virginia  Gazette  (Williamsburg),  1736-1737. 

Ran  away  lately  from  the  Bristol  Company's  Iron 
Works,  in  King  George  County,  a  servant  man  named 
James  Sumners,  a  West  Country  [i.e.  Cornish]  Man, 
and  speaks  thick,  he  is  a  short  thick  fellow,  with  short 
black  hair  and  a  ruddy  complexion.  Whoever  secures 
the  said  servant  and  brings  him  to  the  said  Iron  Works, 
or  to  the  Hon.  John  Taylor,  Esq.,  in  Richmond  County, 
or  gives  notice  of  him,  so  as  he  may  be  had  again,  shall 
be  well  rewarded  besides  what  the  law  allows. 

Nansemond,  July  14,  1737. 

Ran  away  some  time  in  June  last,  from  William 
Pierce  of  Nansemond  County,  near  Mr.  Theophilus 
Pugh's  Merchant:  a  convict  servant  woman  named 
Winifred  Thomas.  She  is  Welsh  woman,  short  black 
Hair'd  and  young;  mark'd  on  the  Inside  of  her  Right 
Arm  with  Gunpowder  W.  T.  and  the  Date  of  the  Year 
underneath.  She  knits  and  spins,  and  is  supposed  to  be 
gone  into  North  Carolina  by  the  way  of  Cureatuck  and 
Roanoke  Inlet.  Whoever  brings  her  to  her  master  shall 
be  paid  a  Pistole  besides  what  the  law  allows,  paid  by 

William  Pierce. 

(b)  Virginia  Gazette,  Feb.  26,  1767.    Advertisement. 

Run  away  from  the  subscriber  in  Augusta,  on  the 
17th  of  January  last,  a  convict  servant  man  named  John 
Jones,  an  Englishman,  about  35  years  of  age,  about  5 
feet  7  inches  high,  of  a  fair  complexion,  and  fair  short 
hair;  had  on  when  he  went  away  a  blue  homemade 
drugget  jacket  lined  with  striped  linen,  a  blue  broad 
cloth  do.  under  it,  leather  breeches,  coarse  spun  shirt 


PLANTATION  LABOR  347 

made  out  of  hemp  linen,  sheep  gray  stockings,  and  coun- 
try made  shoes;  he  has  been  a  sailor,  and  I  suppose 
will  endeavour  to  get  on  board  some  vessel.  I  have 
heard  that  he  has  altered  his  name  at  Fredericksburg, 
and  stole  from  thence  a  ruffed  shirt,  a  pair  of  everlast- 
ing breeches,  an  old  whitish  coloured  jacket,  and  two 
razors.  Whoever  takes  up  the  said  servant,  and  brings 
him  to  me,  or  John  Briggs  at  Falmouth,  or  secures  him 
in  any  county  goal  so  that  I  may  get  him  again,  shall 
have  five  pounds  reward,  paid  by  me  or  John  Briggs. 

Andrew  Burd. 
N.B.  As  he  is  a  very  good  scholar,  it  is  imagined  he 
will  forge  a  pass. 

(c)     South  Carolina  Gazette  (Charleston),  June  16  to  23,  1739.    Adver- 
tisement. 

Savannah,  May  7,  1739. 

Run  away  on  the  5th  Instant  from  Robert  William's 
Plantation  in  Georgia,  3  Men  Servants,  one  named 
James  Powell,  is  a  Bricklayer  by  Trade  about  Five  Feet 
9  inches  high,  a  strong  made  man,  born  in  Wiltshire, 
talks  broad,  and  when  he  went  away  he  wore  his  own 
short  hair,  with  a  White  cap :  Among  his  comrades  he 
was  call'd  Alderman. 

Another  named  Charles  Gastril  did  formerly  belong 
to  the  Pilot  Boat  at  Pill  near  Bristol,  is  by  Trade  a 
Sawyer,  about  5  feet  10  Inches  high,  of  a  thin  spare 
make,  raw  boned,  and  has  a  Scar  somewhere  on  his  up- 
per Lip,  aged  about  25. 

The  3rd  named  Jenkin  James,  a  lusty  young  fellow, 
about  the  same  Height  as  Gastrill,  has  a  good  fresh 
complection,  bred  by  trade  a  Taylor,  but  of  late  has 
been  used  to  Sawing,  talks  very  much  Welshly,  and  had 
on  when  he  went  away  a  coarse  red  coat  and  waistcoat, 
the  Buttons  and  Button  holes  of  the  Coat  black. 


348  AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

Any  person  or  Persons  who  apprehend  them,  or  either 
of  them,  and  bring  them  to  Mr.  Thomas  Jenys  in 
Charleston,  or  to  the  said  Mr.  Robert  Williams  in  Sa- 
vannah shall  receive  lo  1.  Currency  of  South  Carolina 
for  each  .  Robert  Williams. 

Besides  the  above  mentioned  Reward,  there  is  a  con- 
siderable sum  allow'd  by  the  Trustees  [of  the  colony 
of  Georgia]  for  taking  run  away  Servants. 

N.B.  About  a  Fortnight  ago,  three  other  of  the  said 
Robert  William's  Servants  run  away,  who  are  already 
advertized. 

6    A  STAMPEDE  OF  SPANISH  AND  ITALIAN   BOND- 
MEN IN  BRITISH  FLORIDA 

(a)  Boston  Chronicle,  Sept.  26,  1768.  News  item  from  Mosquito  Inlet, 
Florida,  contained  in  a  letter  from  a  correspondent  in  Charleston, 
S.C,  Sept.  12. 

News  that  on  Aug.  17,  about  two  hundred  of  the 
Spaniards  and  Italians  introduced  by  Doct.  TurnbuU, 
and  which  he  was  settling  at  Musquito's,  rose  and  siezed 
a  Schooner  which  was  employed  in  carrying  Provisions 
to  the  settlement.  They  tried  to  capture  other  vessels 
also  and  get  away  to  Havanna ;  but  the  wind  was  against 
them.  An  express  was  sent  to  St.  Augustine.  Two 
sloops  full  of  troops  were  sent  to  prevent  them  getting 
away  from  Musquito's.  The  Spaniards,  upon  the 
troops  arriving,  took  to  the  bushes.  It  is  apprehended 
that  Mr.  TurnbuU  will  have  much  trouble  with  the 
settlers  he  has  introduced. 

(b)  Extract  from  Bernard  Roraans's  Concise  Natural  History  of  East 
and  West  Florida   (New  York,  1776),  268-273. 

[About  35  miles  south  of  St.  Augustine,  on  St.  John's 
River,]  A  few  miles  from  the  bar  is  the  situation  of 
the  town  or  settlement  made  by  Dr.  TurnbuU  for  Sir 


PLANTATION  LABOR  349 

William  Duncan,  himself,  and  perhaps  more  associates; 
this  town  is  called  New  Smyrna^  from  the  place  of  the 
Doctor's  lady's  nativity.  The  settlements  round  this 
famous  town  extend  considerably  along  the  banks  of  this 
lagoon^  and  large  quantities  of  very  good  indigo  have 
been  made  here.  If  my  reader  is  inquisitive  to  know 
why  i  call  this  famous^  i  answer  on  account  of  the  cruel 
methods  used  in  settling  it,  which  made  it  the  daily 
topic  of  conversation  for  a  long  time  in  this  and  the 
neighboring  provinces. 

About  1500  people,  men,  women  and  children,  were 
deluded  away  from  their  native  country,  where  they 
lived  at  home  in  the  plentiful  cornfields  and  vineyards 
of  Greece  and  Italy,  to  this  place,  where  instead  of 
plenty  they  found  want  in  its  last  degree,  instead  of 
promised  fields,  a  dreary  wilderness;  instead  of  a  grate- 
ful fertile  soil  a  barren  arid  sand;  and  in  addition  to 
their  misery,  were  obliged  to  indent  themselves,  their 
wives,  and  children  for  many  years,  to  a  man  who  had 
the  most  sanguine  expectations  of  transplanting  5<2jA<2'Z£;- 
ship  from  the  Levant.  The  better  to  efifect  his  purpose, 
he  granted  them  a  pitiful  portion  of  land  for  ten  years, 
upon  the  plan  of  the  feodal  system :  this  being  improved 
and  just  rendered  fit  for  cultivation,  at  the  end  of  that 
term  it  reverts  to  the  original  grantor,  and  the  grantee, 
may,  if  he  chuses,  begin  a  new  state  of  vassalage  for  ten 
years  more.  Many  were  denied  even  such  grants  as 
these,  and  were  obliged  to  work  in  the  manner  of  ne- 
groes, a  task  in  the  field;  their  provisions  were  at  the 
best  of  times  only  a  quart  of  maize  per  day,  and  two 
ounces  of  pork  per  week;  this  might  have  sufficed  with 
the  help  of  fish  which  abounds  in  this  lagoon^  but  they 
Were  denied  the  liberty  of  fishing,  and  lest  they  should 
not  labour  enough,  inhuman  taskmasters  were  set  over 


3  so  AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

them,  and  instead  of  allowing  each  family  to  do  with 
their  homely  fare  as  they  pleased,  they  were  forced  to 
join  all  together  in  one  mess,  and  at  the  beat  of  a  vile 
drum,  to  come  to  one  common  copper,  from  whence 
their  homany  was  laded  out  to  them;  even  this  coarse 
and  scanty  meal  was  through  careless  management  ren- 
dered still  more  coarse,  and  through  the  knavery  of  a 
proveditor,  and  the  pilfering  of  a  hungry  cook,  still 
more  scant.     .     . 

.  .  .  O  Florida!  were  this  the  only  instance  of 
similar  barbarity  which  thou  hast  seen,  we  might  draw  a 
veil  over  these  scenes  of  horror;  but  RoUes  Town, 
Mount  Royal,  and  three  or  four  others  of  less  note  have 
seen  too  many  wretches  fall  victims  to  hunger  and  ill 
usage,  and  that  at  a  period  of  life  when  health  and 
strength  generally  maintain  the  human  frame  in  its 
greatest  vigor,  and  seem  to  insure  longevity.  RoUes- 
Town  in  particular  has  been  the  sepulchre  of  above 
four  hundred  such  victims.  Before  i  leave  this  subject 
i  will  relate  the  insurrection  to  which  these  unhappy 
people  at  New  Smyrna  were  obliged  to  have  recourse, 
and  which  the  great  ones  stiled  rebellion.  In  the  year 
1769  at  a  time  when  the  unparalleled  severities  of  their 
task-masters,  particularly  one  Cutter  (who  had  been 
made  a  justice  of  the  peace,  with  no  other  view  than  to 
enable  him  to  execute  his  barbarities  to  a  larger  extent, 
and  with  greater  appearance  of  authority)  had  drove 
these  wretches  to  despair,  they  resolved  to  escape  to  the 
Havannah ;  to  execute  this,  they  broke  into  the  pro- 
vision stores,  and  siezed  on  some  craft  lying  in  the  har- 
bour, but  were  prevented  from  taking  others  by  the  care 
of  the  masters.  Destitute  of  any  man  fit  for  the  impor- 
tant post  of  a  leader,  their  proceedings  were  all  con- 
fusion, and  an  Italian  of  very  bad  principles,  who  was 


PLANTATION  LABOR  351 


accused  of  a  rape  on  a  very  young  girl,  but  of  so  much 
note  that  he  had  formerly  been  admitted  to  the  over- 
seer's table,  assumed  a  kind  of  command;  they  thought 
themselves  secure  w^here  they  were,  and  this  occasioned 
a  delay,  'til  a  detachment  of  the  ninth  regiment  had 
time  to  arrive,  to  whom  they  submitted,  except  one  boat- 
full,  which  escaped  to  the  Florida  keys ;  but  was  taken 
up  by  a  Providence-man:  many  were  the  victims  des- 
tined to  punishment;  as  i  was  one  of  the  grand  jury 
which  sat  fifteen  days  on  this  business,  i  had  an  oppor- 
tunity of  canvassing  it  well,  but  the  accusations  were  of 
so  small  account  that  we  found  only  five  bills;  one  of 
these  was  against  a  man  for  maiming  the  above  said 
Cutter,  whom,  it  seems,  they  had  pitched  upon  as  the 
principal  object  of  their  resentment,  and  curtailed  his 
ear,  and  two  of  his  fingers ;-  another  for  shooting  a  cow, 
which  being  a  capital  crime  in  England,  the  law  mak- 
ing it  such  was  here  extended  to  this  Province;  the 
others  were  against  the  leader,  and  three  more,  for  the 
burglary  committed  on  the  provision  store;  the  distress 
of  the  sufferers  touched  us  so,  that  we  almost  unani- 
mously wished  for  some  happy  circumstances  that  might 
justify  our  rejecting  all  the  bills,  except  that  against  the 
chief,  who  was  a  villain.  One  man  was  brought  before 
us  three  or  four  times,  and  at  last  was  joined  in  one  ac- 
cusation with  the  person  who  maimed  Cutter;  yet  no 
evidence  of  weight  appearing  against  him,  i  had  an 
opportunity  to  remark  by  the  appearance  of  some  faces 
in  court,  that  he  had  been  marked,  and  that  the  grand 
jury  disappointed  the  expectations  of  more  than  one 
great  man.  Governor  Grant  pardoned  two,  and  a  third 
who  was  obliged  to  be  the  executioner  of  the  remaining 
two.  .  .  I  have  dwelt  the  longer  on  this  subject,  be- 
cause the  native  prejudice  of  vulgar  Englishmen  has 


3S^  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

represented  the  misfortunes  of  these  wretches  in  too 
black  a  light.  It  is  said  that  Dr.  Stork,  who  was  near 
the  spot  when  the  insurrection  happened,  died  with  the 
fright,  and  Cutter  some  time  after  died  a  lingering 
death,  having  experienced,  besides  his  wounds,  the  ter- 
rors of  a  coward  in  power,  overtaken  by  vengeance. 

7     INDENTED  ARTISANS 

(a)  Virginia  Gazette,  April  i6,  1767.     Advertisement. 

Run  away  from  King  William  court-house,  on  the 
14th  of  March  last,  three  apprentice  boys,  viz.  James 
Axley,  a  carpenter,  about  5  feet  8  inches  high,  and  wears 
his  own  black  hair  cued  behind;  had  on  when  he  went 
away  a  gray  cloth  coat,  without  pockets  or  flaps,  and  a 
pair  of  leather  breeches  much  daubed  with  turpentine. 
William  Arter,  a  carpenter,  rather  taller  and  better  set 
than  the  former,  of  a  dark  complexion,  has  black  hair, 
but  his  clothes  no  way  remarkable.  William  Kindrick, 
a  bricklayer,  which  business  he  understands  well,  and  is 
supposed  to  be  gone  with  a  view  of  carrying  it  on  with 
the  other  boys ;  he  is  a  fresh  complexioned  youth,  wears 
a  cap,  and  had  on  a  bearskin  coat  with  metal  buttons, 
a  dark  brown  waistcoat,  and  a  pair  of  lead  coloured 
serge  breeches.  It  is  supposed  they  are  gone  to  Bed- 
ford, or  into  Carolina.  Whoever  brings  the  said  ap- 
prentices to  King  William  or  Hanover  court-houses 
shall  have  forty  shillings  reward  for  each,  besides  their 
expenses  defrayed. 

Francis  Smith,  Sen.-jAMES  Geddy. 

(b)  Virginia  Gazette,  March  26,  1767. 

Run  away  from  the  subscriber,  in  Northumberland 
county,  t\vo  Irish  convict  servants  named  William  and 
Hannah  Daylies,  tinkers  by  trade,  of  which  the  woman 
is  extremely  good ;  they  had  a  note  of  leave  to  go  out 


PLANTATION  LABOR  353 

and  work  in  Richmond  county  and  Hobb's  Hole,  the 
money  to  be  paid  to  Job  Thomas,  in  said  county;  soon 
after  I  heard  they  were  run  away.  The  man  wore  a 
light  coloured  coarse  cloth  frock  coat,  a  blue  striped 
satin  jacket,  and  plaid  one,  a  pair  of  leather  breeches, 
a  pair  of  Russia  drill  white  stockings,  a  little  brown 
bog  wig,  and  his  hat  cocked  up  very  sharp.  He  is  about 
5  feet  8  inches  high,  of  a  sandy  complexion,  and 
freckled ;  is  a  well  made  fellow,  somewhat  bow  legged. 
The  woman  had  on  an  old  stuff  gown  and  a  light  col- 
oured petticoat,  and  under  petticoat  of  cotton  with  a 
blue  selvedge  at  the  bottom,  a  blue  striped  satin  gown, 
the  same  with  his  jacket,  two  check  aprons,  and  a  pair 
of  pale  blue  calimanco  shoes.  They  both  wore  white 
shirts,  with  very  short  ruffles,  and  white  thread  stock- 
ings. They  had  a  complete  set  of  tinkers  tools.  They 
were  seen  to  have  two  English  guineas  and  a  good  deal 
of  silver,  and  said  in  Essex  county  they  lived  in  Agusta, 
and  inquired  the  road  that  way.  Whoever  will  appre- 
hend both  or  either  of  said  servants,  and  brings  them  to 
me,  shall  have  five  pounds  reward  for  each,  and  reason- 
able travelling  charges  allowed  by 

William  Taite. 

(c)     Virginia  Gazette,  Nov.  1767. 

Prince  George,  November  lo,  1767. 

Supposed  to  be  run  away  from  the  subscriber  (having 
liberty  about  three  weeks  ago  to  go  up  to  Osborne's  and 
Warwick,  on  James  river,  to  look  for  work,  and  not 
since  heard  of)  an  indented  serv^ant  man  named  Alex- 
ander Cuthbert,  by  trade  a  bricklayer,  born  in  Perth  in 
Scotland,  but  came  last  from  London  in  one  Captain 
Grigg  to  Potowmack  river.  He  is  about  5  feet  6  or  7 
inches  high,  about  22  years  of  age,  wears  his  own  hair  of 
a  dark  brown  colour,  is  a  little  pitted  with  the  smallpox, 


354  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

and,  as  he  was  some  time  in  England,  has  not  much  of 
the  Scoth  accent.  Had  with  him  when  he  went  away 
a  blue  coarse  cloth  coat,  blue  and  red  striped  silk  and 
cotton  jacket,  blue  breeches,  several  white  and  check 
linen  shirts,  and  many  other  articles  of  apparel.  He 
carried  with  him  his  bricklayer's  and  plaistering  tools, 
a  sliding  rule,  some  books  of  architecture  and  mensura- 
tion, etc.  From  the  little  time  I  have  had  him,  he  ap- 
peared a  harmless  inofifensive  lad,  entirely  sober  and 
obliging,  and  if  he  has  gone  off  must  have  been  advised 
to  such  a  measure  by  some  more  designing  than  him- 
self. It  is  probable  he  may  make  to  the  northward  and 
so  to  Philadelphia,  having  been  heard  to  speak  of  some 
acquaintances  gone  that  way.  Whoever  takes  up  the 
said  servant  (if  run  away)  and  delivers  him  to  the  sub- 
scriber, shall  have  five  pounds  if  taken  within  the  col- 
ony, and  ten  pounds  if  taken  at  any  considerable  dis- 
tance out  of  it,  paid  by  William  Black. 
N.B.  All  masters  of  vessels  are  desired  to  be  cautious 
of  not  carrying  such  a  person  out  of  the  country. 

8    WAGE-EARNING  SERVANTS  AND  ARTISANS  IM- 
PORTED UNDER  CONTRACT 

(a)  Extract  from  a  letter  of  Richard  Cumberland,  London,  Oct.  17, 
1767,  to  Roger  Pinckney,  at  Charleston,  S.C,  in  P.  C.  J.  Weston's  Doc- 
uments connected  luith  the  History  of  South  Carolina  (London,  1856), 

137. 

My  dear  Sir :  I  write  a  few  lines  to  you  by  a  young 
man  who  has  served  me  in  the  capacity  of  coachman 
for  two  years,  and  is  now  hired  himself  to  Mr.  Gibbs 
of  our  Province.  I  have  promised  the  man,  that,  if  he 
behaves  well,  you  will,  if  occasion  requires,  protect  him 
and  allow  him  to  lodge  in  your  hands  any  little  matter 
he  may  have  ye  good  fortune  to  save.  I  am  not  in  the 
least  acquainted  with  Mr.  Gibbs,  so  that  I  look  upon  it 


PLANTATION  LABOR  355 

as  possible  that  he  may  need  your  countenance  and  as- 
sistance. He  has  stipulated  to  serve  him  for  three  years 
at  ye  rate  of  £40  Stg  pr  annum. 

(b)  Extract  from  a  letter  of  William  Fitzhugh,  of  Stafford  County, 
Va.,  July  I,  1680,  to  Captain  Frasier  Partis,  who  was  probably  a 
skipper  in  the  Virginia  carrying  trade.  Virginia  Historical  Register, 
vol.  i,  166. 

I  would  have  you  be  very  careful  of  my  flax,  hemp 
and  hay  seed,  two  bushel  of  each  of  which  I  have  sent 
for,  because  we  now  have  resolved  a  cessation  from 
making  Tobo.  next  year.  We  are  also  going  to  make 
towns.  If  you  can  meet  with  any  tradesmen  that  will 
come  and  live  at  the  towns,  they  may  have  large  priv- 
ileges and  communitys.  I  would  have  you  bring  me  in 
a  good  Housewife.  I  do  not  intend  or  mean  [her]  to 
be  brought  in  as  the  ordinary  servants  are;  but  to  pay 
for  her  passage,  and  agree  to  give  her  Fifty  Shillings 
or  Three  Pound  a  year  during  the  space  of  five  years; 
upon  which  terms  I  suppose  good  servants  may  be  had, 
because  they  have  their  passage  clear  and  as  much  wages 
as  they  can  have  there.  I  would  have  a  good  one  or 
none.  I  look  upon  the  generality  of  wenches  you  usually 
bring  in  not  worth  the  keeping.  I  expect  to  hear  from 
you  by  all  conveniencys,  for  I  assure  you  I  let  slip  none 
to  tell  you  I  am,  &c.,  &c. 

I  would  have  you  bring  me  two  large  paper  bookes; 
one  to  contain  about  fourteen  or  fifteen  Quire  of  Paper; 
and  another  about  ten  Quire;  and  one  other  small  one. 

(c)  Extract  from  a  letter  of  George  Mason,  Gunston  Hall,  Va.,  Aug. 
20,  1792,  to  his  son.  Rowland,  K.  M.  Life  of  George  Mason  (New 
York,  1892),  vol.  ii,  359. 

Dear  John :  About  four  or  five  years  ago  Mr.  Hen- 
derson imported  from  Scotland,  upon  annual  wages, 
two  stonemasons,  James  Reid  and  Alexander  Watson, 
very  good  workmen.   Since  the  expiration  of  their  con- 


356  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

tract  with  Mr.  Henderson  they  have  been  working  in 
Dumfries  and  about  that  part  of  the  country,  and  last 
year  made  some  free  stone  chimney-pieces  for  Col. 
Cooke  which  I  think  are  well  done  and  upon  reasonable 
terms,  to  the  best  of  my  recollection,  a  guinea  each.  Be- 
ing desirous  to  get  these  men  to  make  four  free  stone 
chimney-pieces  for  your  brother  Thomson's  house,  I 
sent  down  to  Dumfries  three  or  four  days  ago  to  get  one 
of  them  to  come  up  to  take  the  dimensions  of  your 
brother  Thomson's  chimneys  that  they  might  immedi- 
ately get  the  chimney-pieces,  but  was  informed  they  are 
both  at  work  at  George  Town,  I  suppose  about  the  new 
bridge  building  over  Rock  Creek.  I  must  therefore  beg 
you  will  inquire  them  out,  and  see  if  you  can  get  them 
to  do  your  brother's  chimney-pieces,  as  soon  as  the  Rock 
Creek  bridge  is  finished,  which  I  am  told  will  be  by  the 
last  of  this  month,  and  that,  in  the  meantime,  the  sooner 
the  better,  you  will  endeavor  to  get  one  of  them  to  ride 
down  to  your  brother  Thomson's  to  take  the  dimensions 
of  the  four  chimneys,  for  which  he  wants  free  stone 
chimney-pieces,  and  also  of  the  fire  place  in  his  best 
room,  and  give  directions  for  a  marble  chimney-piece 
to  be  sent  for  to  England,  unless  one  of  those  you  have 
to  dispose  of  will  suit  it,  or  can  be  made  by  them  to  do 
so,  which  you  will  know  by  getting  the  man  to  examine 
them  after  he  returns  from  your  brother's.  If  you  can 
get  one  of  these  men  to  go  down  to  your  brother  Thom- 
son's you  will  be  kind  enough  to  let  your  man  Lewis 
go  down  with  him  to  show  him  the  way,  and  you  will 
hire  a  horse  upon  my  account  for  the  man  to  ride.  I 
purpose  that  these  men  shall  get  the  stone  themselves 
for  Thomson's  chimney-pieces  and  hearth  stones,  either 
at  Aquia  or  at  the  quarry  near  Dumfries,  whichever 
they  think  the  best  stone,  and  I  will  carry  them  from 
thence  to  your  brother  Thomson's. 


PLANTATION  LABOR  357 

9    THE  AUTOBIOGRAPHY  OF  A  CRIMINALLY  DIS- 
POSED REDEMPTIONER 

The  Vain  Prodigal  Life,  and  Tragical  Penitent  Death  of  Thomas  Hel- 
lier  born  at  Whitchurch  near  Lyme  in  Dorset-shire:  vjho  for  murder- 
ing his  Master,  Mistress,  and  a  maid,  ivas  executed  according  to  lata 
at  Westover  in  Charles  City,  in  the  cou?itry  of  Virginia,  near  the 
Plantation  called  Hard  Labour,  luhere  he  perpetrated  the  said 
murders.  He  suffer'd  on  Monday  the  5th  of  August,  1678.  And 
•was  after  hanged  up  in  chains  at  Windmill  Point  on  James 
River     .     .     .     (London,  1680). 

I,  Thomas  Hellier  (age  now  some  28  years  or  there- 
abouts) was  born  at  Whitchurch  neer  Lime  in  Dorset- 
shire; Son  to  J.  H.  of  Parrocks.  I  liv'd  with  my  own 
Parents  till  I  was  ten  years  old,  about  which  time  my 
Grandfather  Thomas  Turner  of  Marshwood  took  me 
home  to  him,  and  setting  me  to  School,  bred  me  up  till 
fifteen  or  sixteen  years  of  age;  who  loved  and  tender'd 
me  very  indulgently.  About  the  age  of  sixteen  I  was 
bound  as  Apprentice  to  one  Jo.  Sprake  of  Lime,  by 
Profession  a  Barber-chirurgeon,  for  seven  years;  from 
whose  Son  I  also  learned,  by  my  own  industry,  the  Trade 
of  a  Stationer.  After  I  had  serv'd  six  years  almost,  my 
Master  died;  during  which  term,  I  had  plaid  some 
frolickish  youthful  Pranks,  which  were  mildly  con- 
niv'd  and  winked  at,  through  the  gentleness  of  indulgent 
Relations ;  which  yet  I  had  not  the  grace  to  make  a  good 
use  of. 

After  my  Masters  death,  (not  being  bound  to  any  but 
my  Master  onely)  I  sued  out  my  indenture,  and  so 
gained  my  Freedom  before  six  years  were  fully  ex- 
pired. 

A  while  after  I  was  got  free  from  my  Master's 
Widow,  my  Grandfather  dying,  left  me  fifty  acres  of 
good  Land  purchased  for  three  Lives;  the  other  two 
were  dead,  and  onely  my  own  Life  then  remaining  in 
in  the  said  fifty  acres  of  Land:  which  Estate  I  lived  on 


358  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

some  half  a  year  a  single  man ;  then  I  married  one  Hes- 
ter Bensloe,  daughter  to  a  good  sufficient  Farmer,  who 
enjoyed  fifty  pounds  per  annum  of  Prebends  Land. 
After  which  I  liv'd  with  my  said  Wife  on  the  foremen- 
tioned  Estate  the  space  of  one  year,  till  she  brought  me 
forth  a  Daughter,  by  name  Hester  Hellier. 

My  own  and  Wife's  Friends  both  loved  me  very  well, 
and  would  have  done  very  well  for  me,  had  I  not  taken 
bad  courses;  but  I  could  not  contain  my  self  within  the 
due  bounds  of  Sobriety  and  Moderation. 

About  this  time  (in  the  year  1673  ^^  74)  ^^^^  Michael- 
mas) I  choused  my  Father  of  twelve  pounds  Sterl. 
which  he  had  entrusted  me  to  receive  for  him,  he  being 
then  Collector  of  the  Royal  Aid  money:  After  the  re- 
ceipt of  which  money,  I  taking  horse,  rode  away  to  Lon- 
don (unknown  to  Father,  Wife,  or  any  other  Relations, 
who  all  that  while  knew  not  what  was  become  of  me.) 
In  London  I  ranted  out  my  twelve  pounds  in  Company- 
keeping.  And  now  I  lived  but  too  much  at  ease,  I  knew 
not  when  I  was  well ;  I  was  all  on  fire  to  set  up  in  the 
world,  to  make  a  bustle  abroad  to  and  fro,  and  be  doing, 
that  I  might  seem  somebody.  I  would  therefore  needs, 
all  on  the  spirit,  set  up  my  own  Trade,  and  that  too  of  a 
Stationer;  to  which  intent  I  took  up  on  Credit,  to  the 
value  of  some  twenty  four  pounds  in  Books  of  one  per- 
son, which  were  never  to  this  day  paid  for.  I  did  the 
like  by  others,  to  a  considerable  value;  none  whereof 
(I  do  confess)  were  yet  ever  paid  for.     .     . 

Now  it  was  high  Noon,  I  thought  it  would  never  be 
Night  with  me ;  I  seem'd  to  have  the  World  in  a  string, 
and  thought  I  could  hale  it  which  way  I  listed  at  my 
pleasure:  but  soft  my  haste;  for  before  two  years  were 
fully  expir'd,  after  my  seating  at  Crewkerne,  (what  by 
keeping  high  Company,  what  by  Gaming)   I  had  on 


PLANTATION  LABOR  359 

a  sudden  run  my  self  very  deep  into  debt.  But  still  I 
bore  my  head  aloft  above  water  with  courage,  making 
a  plausible  shew  in  the  eye  of  the  vulgar.  One  ruinous 
humor  I  confess  my  self  very  vaingloriously  guilty  of : 
I  ever  too  much  affected  foolishly  to  be  admir'd  and 
applauded;  wherefore  if  six  or  eight  Pot-companions 
had  sate  tipling  with  me,  had  they  but  bestowed  their 
Compliments  liberally  upon  me,  let  such  flatterers  drink 
night  and  day,  there  was  nothing  for  any  of  them  to 
pay.     .     . 

I  .  .  .  took  my  Horse  and  ten  pounds  in  my 
pocket,  and  tripped  up  to  London,  resolving  there  to 
seek  my  fortune.  Where,  though  I  might  have  turn'd 
my  self  to  several  Employments,  having  skill  in  Paint- 
ing and  mixing  of  Colours;  judgment  to  eat  any  Let- 
ters, Knots,  or  Devices  in  Mettals  by  Chemical  waters ; 
a  dexterous  hand  at  Ingraving  in  Mettals  and  Carving 
in  Wood,  with  several  other  ingenious  and  commend- 
able Mysteries.  Yet,  here  was  I  so  fatally  besotted  to 
my  own  Overthrow,  that  I  could  fancie  nothing  but  a 
Voyage  to  Sea. 

Whereupon,  after  much  fruitless  rambling  to  and 
fro,  I  met  with  a  German,  one  Captain  Prison,  who  had 
a  Privateer-Ship,  and  a  French  Commission  about  the 
beginning  of  June  "]"].  I  went  on  board  the  said  Ship, 
designing  to  sail  in  her  under  the  capacity  of  a  Sea- 
Chirurgeon.  The  said  Captain  was  to  furnish  forth 
my  Chest  with  all  sorts  of  Drugs  and  Medicaments: 
but  the  Captain  being  sentenced  by  the  Admiralty- 
Court  for  a  Pyrate,  and  doom'd  to  pay  (as  I  under- 
stood) 1000  1.  before  he  could  get  free.  Money  falling 
short,  he  could  not  set  me  forth  nor  furnish  my  Chest. 
Whereupon  I  left  his  Ship,  and  to  shore  I  went  in  Au- 
gust ']^^  having  just  one  poor  sixpence  in  my  pocket. 


360  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

Thus  had  I  trifled  away  and  mis-spent  my  ten  pounds 
and  the  price  of  my  horse.  Next,  to  supply  necessity,  I 
sold  my  Cloaths  for  want  of  money:  so  walking  up 
Tower-ditch,  I  going  in  at  the  Eagle  and  Childe,  en- 
quired if  there  were  any  Ship-Captain  quartered  there? 
one  replied,  There  was  no  Ship-Captain  quartered  in 
that  house,  but  that  he  himself  was  concern'd  about  Sea- 
faring matters.  I  enquired  to  what  parts  he  was  con- 
cern'd? he  answered.  To  Virginia:  So  asked  withal,  if 
I  were  minded  for  that  Country;  if  I  were,  I  should 
have  Meat,  Drink,  and  Apparel,  with  other  Necessaries 
provided  for  me.  I  replied,  I  had  heard  so  bad  a  char- 
acter of  that  Country,  that  I  dreaded  going  thither,  in 
regard  I  abhorred  the  Ax  and  the  Haw.  He  told  me, 
he  would  promise  I  should  onely  be  employ'd  in  Mer- 
chants Accompts,  and  such  Employments  to  which  I 
had  been  bred,  if  they  were  here  used. 

On  August  the  loth,  "j'-j^  I  being  over-perswaded, 
went  on  board  the  Young  Princes  Captain  Robert  Mor- 
ris Commander;  on  the  5th  of  September  ditto,  the 
Young  Prince  weighed  Anchor  from  the  Downs;  and 
on  the  25th  of  October  following,  she  arrived  within 
the  Capes  of  Virginia,  and  dropt  Anchor  at  Newpers- 
news. 

I  was  delivered  into  the  custody  and  dispose  of  one 
Lewis  Connor  of  Barmedoe  hundred  Virginia,  who 
sold  me  off  to  one  Cutbeard  Williamson,  living  at  a 
Plantation  call'd  Hard  Labour,  belonging  to  Westover- 
Parish  in  Charles  City  County  Virginia:  which  said 
Williamson  promised  me  I  should  be  employed  in 
Teaching  his  Children,  and  not  be  set  to  any  laborious 
work,  unless  necessity  did  compel  now  and  then,  meerly 
for  a  short  spurt.  But  nevertheless,  though  I  wanted  not 
for  Cloaths  nor  Victuals,  yet  I  found  their  dealings  con- 


PLANTATION  LABOR  361 

trary  to  their  fair  promises;  which  much  disheartened 
me.  And  though  my  labour  at  the  Howe  was  very  irk- 
some, and  I  was  however  resolved  to  do  my  utmost  en- 
deavour at  it;  yet  that  which  embittered  my  life,  and 
made  everything  I  took  in  hand  burdensome  to  me,  was 
the  unworthy  ill-usage  which  I  received  daily  and 
hourly  from  my  ill-tongued  Mistriss;  who  would  not 
only  rail,  swear  and  curse  at  me  within  doors,  when- 
ever I  came  into  the  house  casting  on  me  continually 
biting  Taunts  and  bitter  Flouts;  but  like  a  live  Ghost 
would  impertinently  haunt  me,  when  I  was  quiet  in  the 
Ground  at  work.  And  although  I  silently  wrought  as 
fast  as  she  rail'd,  plying  my  labour,  without  so  much  as 
muttering  at  her,  or  answering  any  thing  good  or  bad; 
yet  all  the  silence  and  observance  that  I  could  use, 
would  not  charm  her  vile  tongue.  These  things  burn- 
ing and  broyling  in  my  Breast,  tempted  me  to  take  the 
trip,  and  give  my  master  the  bag  to  hold;  thereupon  I 
vamped  off,  and  got  on  board  Capt.  Larimore's  ship, 
where  I  remained  eleven  days,  or  thereabouts,  the  Ship 
then  riding  at  Warwicks-Creek  Bay. 

I  was  absent  from  my  Master's  business  almost  three 
weeks,  but  at  length  my  Master  hunting  about,  and 
searching  to  and  fro,  had  discovered  where  I  was,  and 
so  sending  a  Messenger,  fetched  me  back  home  again. 
As  I  was  upon  my  return  homeward,  I  had  a  design  to 
have  knock  the  Messenger  on  the  head;  for  which  pur- 
pose I  took  up  a  great  stone  and  carried  it  along  in  my 
hand  a  good  way,  unknown  to  the  man:  but  my  heart 
failing  me,  I  let  drop  that  design.  At  length  home  I 
came,  begg'd  pardon  of  my  Master  for  my  fault,  and 
all  seemed  pretty  well  again.  But  my  usage  proving 
still  worse  than  before,  my  Mistress  ever  taunting  me 
with    her   odious    and    inveterate    Tongue,    do    all    I 


362  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

would,  and  strive  all  the  ways  whatever  I  could,  she, 
I  found,  was  no  whit  pacified  toward  me.  Whereupon 
I  began  to  cast  about  and  bethink  my  self,  which  way  to 
rid  me  of  that  Hell  upon  Earth,  yet  still  seeking  if  pos- 
sible to  weather  it,  but  all  in  vain. 

At  last,  Satan  taking  advantage  of  my  secret  inward 
regret,  suggested  to  my  vicious  corrupt  minde,  that  by 
ridding  my  Master  and  Mistress  out  of  the  way,  I  might 
with  ease  gain  my  Freedom,  after  which  time  I  sought 
all  opportunities  to  effectuate  and  bring  to  pass  my  said 
horrid  contrivance :  Concluding,  when  they  were  dead, 
I  should  be  a  Freeman.  Which  said  execrable  Project 
I  attempted  and  put  in  execution  May  24,  1678. 
Thus.     .     . 

Betimes  in  the  Morning  before  day,  I  put  on  my  best 
cloaths,  then  got  my  Ax,  and  attempted  two  or  three 
times  to  enter  my  Master's  Lodging-room,  still  my  heart 
failing  me,  I  stept  back  again;  but  however  at  length 
in  I  rushed:  A  Servant-maid,  who  lay  every  night  in 
the  same  Room,  passed  along  by  me  the  same  time  with 
her  bed  on  her  shoulder,  or  under  her  arm,  to  whom  I 
offer'd  no  violence,  but  let  her  pass  untouched;  nor  had 
I  meddled  with  her,  had  she  kept  out  of  my  way.  From 
her  I  passed  on  to  my  Masters  Bed,  and  struck  at  him 
with  the  Ax,  and  gave  him  several  blows,  as  near  as  I 
could  guess,  upon  the  Head:  I  do  believe  I  had  so 
unhappy  an  aim  with  my  hand,  that  I  mortally  wounded 
him  the  first  blow.  My  Mistress  in  the  interim  got  out 
of  Bed,  and  got  hold  of  a  Chair,  thinking  to  defend  her 
self;  and  when  I  came  toward  her,  struggled,  but  I 
proved  to  hard  for  her;  She  begg'd  me  to  save  her  Life, 
and  I  might  take  what  I  would,  and  go  my  way.  But 
all  in  vain,  nothing  would  satisfie  but  her  Life,  whom 
I  looked  on  as  my  greatest  Enemy;  so  down  she  went 


PLANTATION  LABOR  363 


without  Mercy.  The  Wench  to  whom  I  intended  no 
hurt,  returned,  as  I  suppose  to  rescue  her  Mistress; 
whereupon  she  suffer'd  the  same  cruel  Fate  with  the 
other  two. 

After  this  Tragedy  I  broke  open  a  Clorset,  and  took 
provision  for  my  Journey,  and  rummaging  my  Mistress 
Chest,  I  took  what  I  thought  fit,  as  much  as  loaded  a 
good  lusty  Horse;  So  taking  my  Master's  Gun  in  my 
hand,  away  I  hastened :  But  while  the  Horse  stood  with- 
out door,  a  neighbor  came  to  the  house,  with  an  excuse 
to  borrow  the  said  Horse.  To  whom  I  frowning,  an- 
swered very  roughly,  and  threatening  him,  bid  him  be 
gone,  he  could  not  have  the  Horse ;  who  departed,  and 
(I  suppose)  betrayed  to  the  other  Neighbours  some 
jealousie  he  had  conceived,  concerning  some  Mischief 
I  had  been  doing.  A  Childe  also  belonging  to  the  Fam- 
ily was  run  forth  to  betray  the  business.  But  before 
any  body  came,  I  was  gone  upon  my  intended  progress 
with  my  Master's  Horse  loaded,  and  his  gun  in  my 
hand. 

After  wandering  the  unknown  Woods  a  tedious  time, 
to  and  fro,  and  finding  no  path,  I  struck  up  towards  a 
Plantation  belonging  to  one  Gilly,  near  Chickahom- 
mony  Swamp,  where  I  had  a  Ship-mate  living;  here  I 
found  a  Path,  and  following  that  Path,  it  led  me  up  to 
the  house,  where  finding  my  Ship-mate,  I  enquir'd  the 
nearest  way  to  the  Falls  of  James  River:  Who  told 
me,  he  knew  not  the  way,  but  said,  he  would  go  and  en- 
quire; so  he  called  his  Master's  Son,  who  asked,  if  I 
would  not  walk  into  the  house,  and  eat  before  I  went. 
I  said  it  was  too  early  for  me  to  eat:  The  said  Gilly's 
Son-in-law  came  forth  also,  and  very  urgent  they  were 
to  have  me  walk  in  and  smoke  Tobacco,  seeing  I  would 
not  eat.    I  told  them,  I  would  not  smoke,  but  desired 


364  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

them  to  direct  me  my  way,  (still  keeping  my  Gun  in 
my  hand,  I  being  as  shie  of  them,  as  they  were  watchful 
over  me.)  At  last  they  told  me,  they  would  shew  me 
the  way;  one  walking  before  me,  and  the  other  follow- 
ing me,  who  led  me  to  a  Passage  over  a  Water:  where 
before  I  passed  over,  I  had  some  occasion  to  lay  my  Gun 
out  of  my  hand:  Whereupon  one  laying  hold  of  the 
Gun,  said.  This  is  a  compleat  Gun,  and  withal  fired  it 
off:  Whereupon  I  discern'd  my  self  surprised. 

They  told  me  I  was  to  go  no  farther :  So  they  seising 
me,  I  struggled  a  while,  and  had  like  to  have  been  too 
hard  for  one  of  the  men.  But  Gilly  himself  hearing 
the  report  of  the  Gun,  run  down  toward  the  place;  so 
being  overpower'd,  I  was  forced  to  submit  to  have  my 
hands  bound.  Upon  this  seisure  I  was  struck  with  si- 
lence, not  having  power  either  to  confess  or  deny  the 
Fact.  They  forthwith  brought  me  before  Mr.  John 
Stith,  the  next  Justice  of  Peace;  This  happened  May 
25,  1678.  I  had  no  power  to  answer  the  Justice  to  any 
thing,  only  I  begg'd  that  I  might  have  a  Minster  sent 
for  to  me,  and  then  I  should  relate  the  whole  matter. 
One  Mr.  Williams  was  sent  to  me  the  next  morning 
(being  Saturday)  to  whom  I  acknowledged  the  whole 
matter.  After  conference  with  the  said  Minister,  I  be- 
gan by  degrees  to  be  rendred  sensible  of  the  heinousness 
of  my  horrid  and  bloudy  Crime ;  for  which  I  was  Tryed 
at  James-Town,  July  26,  1678.  And  was  Sentenced  to 
be  Hang'd  in  Chains  the  27,  ditto;  according  to  which 
just  Sentence,  I  am  now  deservedly  to  suffer  here  this 
instant  5th  of  August,  1678. 

Whereas  some  have  reported  me  formerly  an  High- 
way-man, and  that  I  was  transported  from  England 
hither  as  a  Malefactor;  I  do  here  now  declare  to  the 
world,  that  I  never  abused  any  person  on  any  account  on 


PLANTATION  LABOR  365 

the  Road  in  England,  in  all  my  Life-time  (except  one 
pitiful  Begger.)  For,  as  I  rode  one  day  along  the  Road, 
a  Begger  by  the  Way-side  importuned  me  earnestly, 
that  I  would  give  him  something.  I  had  then  been  on 
the  ramble,  having  spent  all  my  Money  to  eighteen 
Pence,  and  had  sixty  Miles  father  to  ride.  Whereupon 
I  bethought  my  self  how  to  supply  my  present  penury 
out  of  that  Beggers  Purse,  whom  I  judged  to  be  far  bet- 
ter in  stock  than  my  self.  I  therefore  told  the  man,  I 
had  no  Money  about  me  less  than  Half  a  Crown,  re- 
quiring him  to  give  me  seven  Groats,  and  I  would  give 
him  tv\'0  Pence  out  of  the  Half-Crown.  The  Begger 
streight  pull'd  out  a  quantity  of  small  Money,  and  laid 
it  into  my  hand ;  I  griping  my  said  hand,  put  the  Money 
into  my  pocket.  The  Begger  re-demanded  his  Money; 
I  told  him,  I  had  little  Money,  and  a  great  way  to  ride; 
but  he  could  beg  for  more  Money,  I  could  not;  so  I 
rode  away  with  the  poor  man's  Money.  Besides  this 
Cheat,  I  was  never  guilty  of  any  thing,  which  might 
incur  the  censure  of  the  Law,  in  England,  except  my 
Debts  so  unadvisedly  contracted. 

This  fore-recited  Relation,  after  I  had  penned  it  from 
his  own  Mouth,  I  red  the  same  over  to  him,  because  I 
had  not  related  it  (ipsius  atque  totidem  verbis)  just  in 
the  very  same  numerical  words  wherein  he  made  his 
Confession  to  me.  After  he  had  heard  the  same  read 
over,  he  acknowledged  this  to  be  the  true  sense  of  his 
own  Intentions,  and  the  very  same  which  he  desired 
might  be  published  to  the  world.  So  I  promised  him 
I  would  take  so  much  care,  as  to  have  it  transported  for 
England.     .     . 


3^6  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

10    CAREER  AND  OBSERVATIONS  OF  A  HIGH  GRADE 
REDEMPTIONER 

Extracts  from  the   "Diary  of  John  Harrower,   1773-1776."     American 
Historical  Reineio,  vol.  vi,  72-106,  passim. 

Wednesday,  26th.  [Jan.  1774.]  This  day  I  being  re- 
duced to  the  last  shilling  I  hade  was  obliged  to  engage 
to  go  to  Virginia  for  four  years  as  a  schoolmaster  for 
Bedd,  Board,  washing  and  five  pound  during  the  whole 
time.  I  have  also  wrote  my  wife  this  day  a  particular 
Acco*  of  everything  that  has  happened  to  me  since  I 
left  her  until  this  date ;  At  3  pm  this  day  I  went  on  board 
the  Snow  Planter  Cap*  Bowers  Com"^  for  Virginia 
now  lying  at  Ratlifif  Cross,  and  imediately  as  I  came 
Onb*^  I  rec*^  my  Hammock  and  Bedding. 

Saturday,  29th.  This  day  came  on  b'^  Alex'  Ken- 
nedy a  young  man  from  Edinb"^  who  hade  been  a  Mas- 
ter Cooper  there  and  a  Glasgow  Man  by  trade  a  Bar- 
ber both  which  we  took  into  our  Mace,  [mess]  which 
compleated  it  being  five  Scotsmen  and  one  Yorkshire- 
man,  and  was  always  called  the  Scots  mace.     .     . 

Munday  31st.  .  .  It  is  surprising  to  see  the  N°  of 
good  trades  men  of  all  kinds,  th*  come  on  b*^  every  day. 

Sunday,  [Feb.]  6th.  At  7  AM  got  under  way  with  a 
fair  wind  and  clear  w^  and  at  1 1  AM  came  to  an  An- 
chor off  Gravesend  and  immediately  the  Merch*  came 
onboard  and  a  Doctor  and  clerk  with  him  and  while 
the  Clerk  was  filling  up  the  Indentures  the  doctor 
search'd  every  serv*  to  see  that  they  were  sound.  .  . 
seventy  five  were  Intend  [indented]  to  Cap*  Bowres  for 
four  Years. 

Munday,  7th.  This  forenoon  imployed  in  getting 
in  provisions  and  water,  at  4  pm  put  a  servant  ashore 
extreamly  bade  in  a  fever,  and  then  got  under  saile  for 
Virginia  with  seventy  Servants  on  board  all  indented  to 


PLANTATION  LABOR  367 

serve  four  years  there  at  their  differint  Occoupations 
myself  being  one  of  the  Number  and  Indented  for  a 
Clerk  and  Bookkeeper,  But  when  I  arrived  there  I  cou'd 
get  no  such  birth  as  will  appear  in  the  place.  .  .  [the 
items  omitted  describe  the  vicissitudes  of  the  voyage  to 
Chesapeake  Bay]. 

Thursday,  [April]  28th.  At  7  AM  the  Pillot  wegh'd 
Anchor  and  wrought  the  ship  up  to  Hampton  Roads 
where  we  came  to  an  Anchor  at  10  AM.  This  morning 
I  was  employ'd  in  Making  out  a  Clean  list  of  the  serv- 
ants names  and  Business  and  age,  and  how  soon  I  was 
done  Cap*  Bowers  went  ashore  in  the  Pillot  boat  to 
Hamton  on  Elizabeth  river.  We  have  some  goods  to 
put  out  before  we  leave  this  place,  at  night,  a  deal  of 
Thunder,  lightning  and  rain. 

Monday,  May  2d.  Wind  as  before,  fine  fair  warm 
weather,  got  out  the  rest  of  the  goods  that  was  for 
Hampton,  at  2  pm  the  Cap*  Carried  five  serv*'  ashore 
to  Hampton  in  order  to  sell  their  Indentures,  But  re- 
turned again  at  Midnight  with[out]  selling  any  more 
but  one  Boat  Builder,  he  brought  onb*^  with  him  four 
Barrells  Virginia  Pork  and  one  Puncheon  D°  rum,  and 
3  live  hogs. 

Tuesday,  3d.  Wind  at  W.N.W.  fine  moderate 
weather,  at  6  AM  weigh'd  Anchor  from  Hampton 
Roads,  and  stood  out  to  sea  until  we  made  the  Entry  of 
Rappahannock  river,  which  we  did  at  10  AM,  proceed- 
ing up  the  same  for  Fredericksburgh,  at  6  pm  came  to 
an  Anchor  at  Arrabanna. 

Freiday,  6th.  Wind  as  before,  at  4  AM  got  under 
saile  and  stood  up  the  river  and  at  9  AM  passed  by  the 
town  of  Hobshole  and  let  it  on  our  Larboard  hand  as 
we  did  the  Town  of  Arrabanna.  at  Hobshole  there  was 
five  Glasgow  ships  and  an  English  Brigantine  lying  at 


368  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

2  pm  we  passed  by  Leedstown  on  our  Starboard  hand 
where  there  was  a  ship  from  London  lying  with  con- 
victs, at  night  came  to  another  about  6  Miles  above 
Leedstown.     .     . 

Tuesday,  loth.  At  2  AM  weigh'd  and  stood  up  with 
the  tide,  came  to  an  anchor  at  6  AM  and  lay  untill  D°  8 
when  we  weigh'd  with  a  fair  wind  and  got  to  our  Moor- 
ings at  6  pm  at  the  Toun  of  Fredericksburgh. 

Wednesday,  nth.  At  lo  AM  Both  Coopers  and  the 
Barber  from  our  Mace  went  ashore  upon  tryall.  At 
night  one  Daniel  Turner  a  serv^  returned  onb*^  from 
Liberty  so  drunk  that  he  abused  the  Cap*  and  Chief 
Mate  and  Boatswan  to  a  verry  high  degree,  which  made 
to  be  horse  whip*,  put  in  Irons  and  thumb  screwed,  on 
houre  afterward  he  was  unthumbscrewed,  taken  out  of 
the  Irons,  but  then  he  was  hand  cufifed,  and  gagged  all 
night. 

Thursday,  i2th.  All  hands  quite  [quiet]  on  board 
this  day.  Turner  ungagged  But  continoued  in  hand- 
cuffs.    .     . 

Munday,  i6th.  This  day  severalls  came  onb^  to 
purchase  serv*^  Indentures  and  among  them  there  was 
two  Soul  drivers,  they  are  men  who  make  it  their  busi- 
ness to  go  onb"^  all  ships  who  have  in  either  Servants 
or  Convicts  and  buy  sometimes  the  whole  and  some- 
times a  parcell  of  them  as  they  can  agree,  and  then  they 
drive  them  through  the  Country  like  a  parcell  of  Sheep 
untill  they  can  sell  them  to  advantage,  but  all  went 
away  without  buying  any.     .     . 

Munday  23d.  This  morning  a  great  number  of 
Gentlemen  and  Ladies  driving  into  Town  it  being  an 
annuall  Fair  day  and  tomorrow  the  day  of  the  Horse 
races,  at  11  AM  M^  Anderson  begged  to  settle  as  a 
schoolmaster  with  a  friend  of  his  one  Colonel  Dainger- 
field  and  told  me  he  was  to  be  in  town  tomorrow,  or 


PLANTATION  LABOR  369 


perhaps  to-night,  and  how  soon  he  came  he  shou'd 
aquant  me.  at  same  time  all  the  rest  of  the  servants 
were  ordered  ashore  to  a  tent  at  Fredericksb^  and  sev- 
erall  of  their  Indentures  were  then  sold,  about  4  pm  I 
was  brought  to  Colonel  Daingerfield,  when  we  imedi- 
atly  agreed  and  my  Indenture  for  four  years  was  then 
delivered  him  and  he  was  to  send  for  me  the  next  day. 
at  same  time  ordred  to  get  all  my  dirty  Cloaths  of  every 
kind  washed  at  his  expense  in  Toun;  at  night  he  sent 
me  five  shillings  onb"^  by  Cap^  Bowers  to  keep  my 
pocket.     .     . 

Thursday  26th.  This  day  at  noon  the  Colonel  sent  a 
Black  with  a  cuple  of  horses  for  me  and  soon  after  I  set 
out  on  Horseback  and  aravied  at  his  seat  of  Belvidera 
about  3  pm  and  after  I  hade  dined  the  Colonel  took  me 
to  a  neat  little  house  at  the  upper  end  of  an  Avenue  of 
planting  at  500  yd^  from  the  Main  house,  where  I  was 
to  keep  the  school,  and  Lodge  myself  in  it. 

This  place  is  verry  pleasantly  situated  on  the  Banks 
of  the  river  Rappahannock  about  seven  miles  below  the 
Toun  of  Fredericksburgh  and  the  school's  right  above 
the  Warfif  so  that  I  can  stand  in  the  door  and  pitch  a 
stone  onboard  of  any  ship  or  Boat  going  up  or  coming 
doun  the  river. 

Freiday,  27th.  This  morning  about  8  AM  the  Colo- 
nel delivered  his  three  Sons  to  my  Charge  to  teach  them 
to  read,  write  and  figure,  his  oldest  son  Edwin  10  years 
of  age,  intred  into  two  syllables  in  the  spelling  book, 
Bathourest  his  second  son  six  years  of  age  in  the  Alpha- 
bete  and  William  his  third  son  4  years  of  age  does  not 
know  the  letters,  he  has  likewise  a  Daughter  whose 
name  is  Hanna  Basset  Years  of  age.  .  .  My  school 
Houres  is  from  6  to  8  in  the  morning,  in  the  forenoon 
from  9  to  12,  and  from  3  to  6  in  the  afternoon.     .     . 


370  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

Tuesday,  [June]  14th.  This  morning  entred  to  school 
William  Pattie  son  of  John  Pattie  wright,  and  Salley 
Evens  daughter  to  Thomas  Evens  Planter.  This  day  I 
wrote  my  wife  a  particular  Acco*  of  all  my  transactions 
since  I  wrote  her  from  London  26*''  Jan'^  last,  the 
Coppy  of  which  I  have  by  me.     .     . 

Freiday,  17th.  This  day  rec*^  two  pair  new  Rushia 
drill  britches  and  two  new  Coats  of  Brown  Holland. 

Munday,  20th.  This  morning  entred  to  school  Philip 
and  Dorothea  Edge's  Children  of  M^  Benjamin  Edge 
Planter.  Same  day  Colonel  Dangerfield  began  to  cut 
down  his  wheat,  which  they  do  with  a  syth. 

Tuesday,  21st.  This  day  M""  Samuel  Edge  Planter 
came  to  me  and  begged  me  to  take  a  son  of  his  to  school 
who  was  both  deaf  and  dum,  and  I  consented  to  try 
what  I  cou'd  do  with  him.     .     . 

Tuesday,  August  i6th.  Expecting  a  visit  of  one  M' 
Kennedy  an  Edinburgher,  a  Cooper  now  in  Fredericks- 
burgh,  I  this  day  sent  to  Toun  for  a  Quart  of  the  best 
Vestindia  Rum  which  cost  me  Eighteen  pence  Virginia 
Currancy.     .     . 

Sunday,  [December]  25th.  Christmas  day,  stayed  at 
home  all  day  along  w*  the  Overseer  and  Childreen  be- 
cause I  hade  no  saddle  to  go  to  the  Church  with.  In  the 
morning  the  Col'  Ordred  up  to  school  two  Bottles  of 
the  best  Rum  and  some  suggar  for  me. 

Munday,  26th.  This  forenoon  the  CoP  wou'd  have 
me  to  take  his  saddle  and  ride  to  Toun  and  Amuse  my- 
self, and  when  I  was  going  gave  me  Six  Shillings  for 
pocket  money.  I  went  to  Toun  and  Dined  in  a  private 
house  and  after  buying  i>4  Doz*"  Mother  of  Pearle  but- 
tons for  my  white  morsyld  Vest  I  return'd  home  in  the 
evening.     .     . 


PLANTATION  LABOR  371 

Freiday,  30th.  This  day  there  was  severall  Gentle- 
men from  Fredericksburgh  here  at  Dinner  with  whom 
I  dined. 

Munday,  17th  [April,  1775].  At  8  AM  I  rode  to 
Town  in  order  to  see  the  boys  and  Amuse  myself  fore 
some  hours.  On  my  Aravel  in  Town  the  first  thing  I 
got  to  do  was  to  dictate  and  write  a  love  letter  from  M' 
Anderson,  to  one  Peggie  Dewar  at  the  Howse  of  M' 
John  Mitchel  at  the  Wilderness.  After  that  I  went  to 
M'  John  Glassell's  store  to  enquire  for  letters  from 
home  but  found  none;  here  I  mett  with  the  Col'  who 
gave  me  two  pair  brown  thread  stockins  for  my  summer 
wear.  At  2  pm  I  dined  with  him  in  M*^  Porter's,  and 
soon  after  Returned  home. 

Thursday,  20th,  This  morning  all  the  boys  came  to 
school  again  at  their  Usual  hour.  On  tuesday  last  was 
missed  out  of  the  pasture  a  breeding  mare,  search  be- 
ing made  for  her  by  the  Overseer  he  found  this  after- 
noon the  Neiger  fellow  who  hade  rode  her  ofT  and  after 
riding  her  about  24  Miles  from  the  Plantation  turned 
her  loose  in  the  high  road,  he  is  a  Blacksmith  by  trade 
and  belongs  to  and  works  at  a  Plantation  of  M""  Cor- 
bins,  and  after  he  had  confessed  the  fact  M*"  Frazer 
ower  Overseer  stript  him  to  the  [skin]  and  gave  him  39 
laches  with  Hickry  switches  that  being  the  highest  the 
Law  allows  at  one  Wheeping.     .     . 

Tuesday,  23d.  [April,  1776].  At  noon  rode  to  Town, 
got  the  Newspapers  and  settled  with  M'  Porter  for 
teaching  his  two  sons  12  M°'  when  he  verry  genteely 
allowed  me  £6  for  them,  besides  a  present  of  two  silk 
vests  and  two  pair  of  Nankeen  Breeches  last  summer 
and  a  Gallon  of  rum  at  Christenmass,  both  he  and  M" 
Porter  being  extreamly  well  satisfied  with  what  I  hade 
don  to  them. 


372  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

II     CONVICT  TRANSPORTATION,  VICISSITUDES 

Boston  Chronicle,  March  14  to  21,  1768.    News  item  from  Antigua. 

Antigua,  January  25.  Last  week  arrived  here  the 
Snow  Rodney,  Nicholas  Pirdy,  from  London,  for 
Mayland  with  convicts;  we  have  received  an  extract 
from  the  Ship's  log-book,  which  we  insert  that  the  pub- 
lic may  be  acquainted  with  hardships  these  poor 
wretches  sustained  during  their  terrible  voyage. 

September  27.  came  thro'  the  Downs.  Octo.  5  came 
too  on  the  mother  bank  after  beating  &c.  7th.  discovered 
a  scheme  of  the  convicts  to  take  away  the  ship  -  loth. 
set  sail  with  clear  weather  and  steady  breeze;  wind  N. 
by  E. -Nov.  4th.  Boatsw^ain  took  to  his  bed;  the  i6th. 
returned  -  Dec.  12th.  convicts  wet- 14th,  15th,  i6th. 
no  observation ;  cloudy  weather,  a  very  heavy  gale  on 
the  15th.  with  thunder  and  lightning;  the  Ship  labour- 
ing very  much,  and  makes  a  great  deal  of  water  -  26th. 
found  the  bolts  of  the  standards  between  decks  broke  by 
yesterday's  gale,  so  that  they  are  of  no  service  to  the 
ship,  which  opens  fore  and  aft,  and  leaks  much  -  27th. 
more  water  28th.  a  great  deal  of  water -29th.  a  very 
heavy  gale  of  wind  and  high  sea;  a  stroke  of  the  sea  on 
the  starboard  quarter,  broke  the  tiller  short  off  in  the 
rudder  head ;  pump  every  half  hour,  nailed  canvass  over 
the  bows  and  the  seams  of  the  forecastle  -  30th.  obliged 
to  make  some  of  the  convicts  assist  in  working  and 
pumping  the  ship;  every  thing  in  a  bad  situation;  only 
30  pieces  of  beef,  26  pieces  of  pork,  and  700  lb.  of  bread, 
for  105  people  and  no  probability  of  getting  into  Vir- 
ginia-31st.  the  people  wrote  to  the  Captain  desiring 
to  know  what  he  intended  to  do  with  the  ship  in  that 
situation,  expecting  every  minute  to  founder;  and  the 
convicts  almost  starved  for  want  of  food,  and  almost 
drowned  with  the  water  bet^veen  decks;  only  two  bis- 


PLANTATION  LABOR  373 

cuits  a  day.  -  At  seven  A.M.  the  ship  received  so  severe 
a  shock  from  a  stroke  of  the  sea,  that  it  was  necessary 
to  keep  one  pump  continually  going;  at  eight,  not  being 
able  to  lay  to  any  longer,  was  obliged  to  bear  away  to  the 
southward,  hoping  to  get  into  South  Carolina,  lat.  35. 
36.  long.  72.  27.  W.  -  Jan.  ist.  John  Jay,  convict,  died.  - 
2nd.  being  near  the  lat.  of  Carolina,  and  by  account  10 
degrees  to  the  Eastward  of  it  in  a  heavy  gale  of  wind, 
and  having  only  24  pieces  of  beef,  22  pieces  of  pork,  and 
600  weight  of  bread,  to  feed  104  people,  bore  away  for 
Antigua,  the  vessel  being  much  wrecked  in  hull  and 
rigging,  and,  it  being  impossible  to  get  into  any  port  on 
the  continent,  4  P.M.  found  four  of  the  fore-shrouds 
broke;  Richard  Owen,  convict,  died -3d.  convicts  in  a 
very  poor  condition,  very  low  and  many  sick -5th.  in 
lat.  31.  long.  65.  57.  contrary  winds;  provisions  almost 
expended,  convicts  only  three  ounces  of  bread  a  day  and 
so  great  was  their  distress  that  they  eat  the  very  vermin 
which  they  picked  ofT  of  themselves.  The  ship's  com- 
pany, upon  whose  lives  depended  the  welfare  of  the 
whole,  fared  but  little  better;  their  24  hours  allowance 
being  insufficient  for  one  man's  meal -7th.  examined 
the  convicts,  their  condition  truly  miserable;  full  of 
sores  and  ulcers,  very  low,  and  have  lain  for  three  weeks 
absolutely  in  water,  the  vessel  being  almost  tore  to  pieces 
by  the  many  severe  storms  she  encountered.  loth.  14th. 
and  17th.  William  Smith,  Joseph  Green,  Joseph  James, 
William  Stude,  and  John  Cole,  convicts,  died  -  20th. 
having  no  provisions  of  any  kind  to  issue  to  the  poor 
unhappy  creatures,  the  company  and  myself,  I  opened  a 
cake  of  cheese  containing  100  lb.  consigned  to  Charles 
Carroll,  Esq:  the  poor  wretches  having  long  ago  eat 
their  leather  breeches,  and  every  shoe  they  found  in  the 
vessel  -  At  noon  saw  Antigua,  distant  7  leagues. 


374  AMERICAN   INDUSTRIAL  SOCIETY 

12    ITEMS  ON  THE  TR.'^DE  IN  SERVANTS 

(a)  Extract  of  a  letter  from  William  Byrd,  James  River,  Virginia, 
Nov.  lo,  1739,  to  Mr.  Andrews  of  Rotterdam.  American  Historical 
Review,  vol.  i,  90. 

I  know  not  how  long  the  Palatines  are  sold  for,  who 
do  not  Pay  Passage  to  Phyladelphia,  but  here  they  are 
sold  for  Four  years  and  fetch  from  6  to  9  Pounds  and 
perhaps  good  Tradesmen  may  go  for  Ten.  If  these 
Prices  would  answer,  I  am  pretty  Confident  I  could 
dispose  of  two  Shipsload  every  year  in  this  River:  and  I 
myself  would  undertake  it  for  Eight  [per]  cent  on  the 
Sales,  and  make  you  as  few  bad  Debts  as  possible.  This 
is  the  Allowance  Our  Negro  Sellers  have,  which  sell  for 
more  than  Double  these  People  will,  and  consequently 
afford  t^vice  the  Profet. 

(b)  Extract  of  a  letter  from  John  Brown  (presumably  from  Augusta 
County  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley),  Aug.  22,  1774,  to  William  Pres- 
ton. MS.  in  the  possession  of  the  Wisconsin  Historical  Society, 
Draper  collection,  series  QQ,  vol.  iii,  8i.  Brown  lived  at  Provi- 
dence, near  Staunton,  Virginia. 

Some  time  ago  you  told  me  that  you  intended  to  enter 
the  servant  tread  [trade],  and  desire  me  to  tell  if  there 
was  any  encouragement  our  way  for  the  sale  of  them,  I 
think  there  is  none,  for  these  reasons  i.  the  scarcity  of 
money  2.  servants  are  plenty  and  everyone  has  as  many 
as  they  want  besides  the  country  is  sunk  in  debt  by  them 
already. 

(c)  Knoxville    (Tennessee)    Register,   Dec.  8,   1818.    Advertisement. 

German  Redemptioner.  20  dollars  reward  Will 
be  given  for  apprehending  and  securing  JOHN  ADAM 
Wolf. 

In  any  jail,  in  the  United  States;  he  is  a  German  lad, 
about  17  years  old,  but  would  be  considered  small  of  his 
age  by  Americans :  he  is  a  taylor  by  trade,  had  a  blue 


PLANTATION  LABOR  375 

roundabout  made  in  the  German  fashion  with  buttons 
behind:  grey  mixed  pantaloons,  vest  not  recollected; 
Blue  eyes  auburn  hair,  speaks  very  little  English,  and 
has  two  scars  or  marks  under  the  chin,  that  have  the  ap- 
pearance of  soreness,  and  are  supposed  to  have  been 
occassioned  by  the  itch;  he  however  keeps  them  con- 
cealed by  wearing  his  neck  handkerchief  very  high  -  he 
was  in  company  with  a  number  of  his  countrymen  on 
their  way  to  the  Alabama  Territory,  when  he  absconded, 
on  the  1 6th.  inst,  about  20  miles  east  of  this  place. 

Any  person  apprehending  the  above  lad  will  please 
give  information  of  the  same  to  David  Keller  Esq.  of 
this  place  and  to  the  subscriber  near  Florence,  Alabama 
Territory.  F.  C.  Clopper. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 

Los  Angeles                                                               ' 
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if^E'??'  .  - 

■XT  2  9  2005 

MAR -418713 

PFCD  muBt 

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MAY  01  2006 

Form  L9-Sei-ies  444 

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